Taos Riot 1855. Johnston Court Martial

Following the 1855 Taos Riot by members of F Company, 1st Dragoons, the President of the United States ordered that two of the officers involved be court martialed. Lt. Robert Johnston was charged with not assisting in the suppression of the riot and tried in Santa Fe in February of 1856. A transcription of his court marial follows.

Lt. Johnston, a capable officer, was acquitted and ultimately commanded a division in Longstreet's Corps during the Civil War.

Johnston Court Martial, Case No. HH624

Santa Fe, New Mexico
11:00 O’Clock A.M., Wednesday, February 6th, 1856


The Judge Advocate, having read the orders convening the Court, asked the accused, 1st Lieut. Robert Johnson, of the 1st Regiment of Dragoons, if he had any objection to any member named therein, to which he replied in the negative.

The Court was then duly sworn by the Judge Advocate, and the Judge Advocate was duly sworn by the presiding officer of the court in the presence of the accused.

The accused then moved the court to grant him the privilege of introducing the Honorable H.A. Smith as his counsel. Request was acceded to, and the Hon. Hugh A. Smith came into court and took his seat as counsel for the accused.

First Lieut. Robert Johnston of the 1st Regiment of the Dragoons, U.S. Army, was then arraigned on the following charge and specifications:

Charge and specification preferred against 1st Lieut. Robert Johnston, 1st Regiment of the Dragoons, United States Army, by direction of the Secretary of War, is charged --- Violation of the Eighth Article of War.

Specification. In this, that First Liet. Robert Johnston of the 1st Regiment of the Dragoons, United States Army, being present at a mutiny in F Company of the 1st Regiment of Dragoon United States Army in the town of Don Fernando de Taos, New Mexico, on or about the Eighth Day of March, Eighteen Hundred and Fifty-Five, did then and there fail to use his utmost endeavor to suppress the _______________.
By Jno. Byrne
U.S.A.
Judge Advocate of the Court


To which the accused, First Lieut. Robert Johnson of the First Dragoons, pled as follows:

Not guilty of the specification.
Not guilty of the charge.

At the request of the accused, the Court adjourned to meet at 11:00 o’clock to morrow morning, Thursday, February 7th, 1856.

Santa Fe, New Mexico
11:00 a.m., Thursday, February 7th, 1856
Present.
1. Colonel Thomas T. Fauntleroy, 1st Dragoons
2. Bt. Col. Dixson L. Mills, Lieut. Col. 3rd Infy.
3. Bt. Lt. Colonel Joseph H. Eaton, Capt. 3rd Infantry
4. Bt. Lt. Colonel Daniel L. Chandler, Captain 3rd Infantry
5. Bt. Major Governeur Morris, Major 3rd Infantry
6. Bt. Major Jefferson Van Horne, Capt. 3rd Infantry
7. Bt. Major William H. Gordon, Capt. 3rd Infantry
8. Bt. Major W. T. H. Brooks, Captain 3rd Infantry
9. Bt. Major Oliver L. Shepherd, Captain 3rd Infantry
10. Bt. Major William A. Thornton, Captain Ord. Dept.
11. Bt. Major John L. Sprague, Captain 1st Infy.,
Asst. Surgn. J. Byrne, Med., Dept., Judge Advocate


First Lieut. Robert Johnston, 1st Dgns, the accused, also present.

The proceedings of yesterday having been read over, the following testimony was adduced:

Private F. Vandevien of G Copy., 1st Drgns., a witness for the prosecution being duly sworn, testifies as follows:

On or about the 8th of March, 1855, cop F., 1st Drags was on an expedition against the Utah indians and entered Taos about eleven o’clock. I was a corporal in copy. F. at that time. The company was halted in the plaza of Taos by order of Maj. Thompson. Orders were given that one-half of the company could be absent at a time for a period of about twenty minutes each. During that time, some of the men became so drunk that he could not mount his horse, when the “to horse” was sounded. Myself and corp. Walsh of the same company were detailed to tie the man on his horse. At the time we were tying him on,, the first sergeant of the company, Fitzsimmons, struck the man in the face. Maj. Blake came up at the time and asked him why he did it. The sergeant replied that the man struck him first. Maj. Blake then said that the man had not struck him at all. Maj. Blake then requested Maj. Thompson to arrest the first sergeant of his company. Maj. Thompson refused doing it and said that he could not dispense with the services of the 1st segt. being on a march. Maj. Thompson told him that, if he wanted to arrest him, he could arrest him himself. Maj. Blake then arrested the 1st sergeant. About this time, there were a good many citizens crowded around where they were tying this man on his horse. Since 3 or 4 men of the company were mounted, charged over these Mexicans. There was a man of the company, who rode and told Maj. Blake that he could not march the company out. Maj. Blake was ________________ taking hold of the man when Cooper came up, and told Maj. Blake, he had been nigger-driving them long enough. Maj. Blake turned and replied that man was the da---d son of a bitch he had been looking for. They caught ahold of each other and fought for a short time, when I released Cooper from Maj. Blake. At that time, Steele came up and commenced fighting with Maj. Blake. There were five or six blows passed between them, and they fell to the ground. Myself and Segt. Fitzsimmons released Steele from Maj. Blake. About that time a man by the name of Stephens had a pistol, a revolver in his hand. I was ordered by Lieut. Johnston to take hold of him. Lt. Johnston took the pistol away from Stephens. After Maj. Blake was released from Steele, he walked around in front of the Company and said he could whip any man in it, from left to right, at which this man Stephens walked out with a Sharps’ rifle in his hand and told Major Blake that he could not do it. Mr. Carson of Taos stepped up and took the rifle away from Stephens. The Company was marched five or ten minutes afterwards out of town by Lieut. Johnston.

Q. by J. A. How long was it from the time Cooper and Maj. Blake first engaged until Mr. Carson took the gun from Stephens?
Answer. It was more than ten to fifteen minutes.

Q. by J.A. What proportion of the Company was standing in their ranks during the fight, and what were they doing?

Answer. Nearly all the men were standing in the ranks doing nothing but more than four men were engaged in a mutiny, about eight were assisting in putting it down.

Q. by J.A. Were any orders given by Lt. Johnston to the company not engaged in the mutiny to come forward to put it down?

Answer. None that I heard, Sir.

Q. by J.A. Were any of the men of the Company injured by saber or by firearms during the mutiny?

Answer. Yes, Sir. Cooper was slightly cut on the arm and hand with a saber. Maj. Blake cut him. No other man of the Company that I know of, was hurt.

Q. by J.A. State all you saw Lt. Johnston do to arrest the mutiny.

Answer. Lt. Johnston came on the ground after the mutiny commenced. The first I saw of Lt. Johnston he had his saber about half drawn. I caught Lt. Johnston by the shoulders and told him not to draw his saber, that the men were in such a state of mutiny that they would kill him as sure as Maj. Blake, or words to that effect. I heard Lt. Johnston order men to keep in the ranks. I heard him also order Serg. Fitzsimmons, myself, and Corpl. Walsh to arrest these men, Steele and Cooper, who were engaged in the mutiny, and have them taken to jail.

Q. by J.A. Did or did not Judge Brocchus and the sheriff finally put down the mutiny by arresting the mutineers?

Answer. No, Sir.

Question by J.A. Was Maj. Blake’s life in great danger from the acts of the mutineers?

Answer: I think it was.

Q. by J.A. Was there danger also to the life and property of the citizens during the riots?

Answer. There was.

Corp. examined by the accused. Was Lieut. Johnston present or near the company at the commencement of the riot?

Answer. No, Sir.

Q. After the riot commenced, and the people rushed together, did not Lieut. Johnston run to the crowd, and attempt to get into it, and half draw his saber, and did not you pull the Lieut. out of the crowd?

Answer. Johnston did enter the crowd and I pulled him out.

Q. After the scuffle between Maj. Blake and Cooper, did not Maj. Blake charge you with being one of the principal parties concerned in the riot, did not Maj. Blake acknowledge that it was a mistake upon the representation of Lieut. Johnston?

Answer. Major Blake did charge me, and acknowledged his mistake on the representation of Lieut. Johnston.

Q. When bugler Stephens drew his pistol on Maj. Blake, did not you catch his arm and Lieut. Johnston take the pistol from him?

Answer. I did catch Stephens by the arm and Lt. Johnston took the pistol from him.

Q. Did not Lieut. Johnston then order Stephens to take the three horses he had in charge and take his position at the far end of the portal, and did not Stephens obey, and stand there until called off by Judge Brocchus?

Answer: After the pistol was taken from Stephens by Lieut. Johnston, he (Stephens), was ordered by Lieut. Johnston to take his place with the three horses he was holding on the right of the Company in front of Peter Joseph’s store. Stephens obeyed the order and remained at his place until Maj. Blake came around and challenged any man of the Company.

Q. Did you not hear Lt. Johnston give repeated orders to the men to keep their ranks and were not these orders generally obeyed?

Answer. I did hear Lieut. Johnston give the men orders to remain in ranks, and go into the ranks, and they obeyed.

Q. What officer marched the Company out of town, and how long after the arrest of Stephens before they marched?
Answer. Lt. Johnston marched the Company out of town about five minutes after Stephens was arrestred.
Q, During the scuffle between Maj. Blake and the different men, was not Lieut. Johnston between Maj. Blake and the Company and occupied in keeping the men in ranks and endeavoring to restore order?
Answer. At the time of the fighting Lt. Johnston was between Maj. Blake and the Company. He gave orders to some of the men of the Company to keep in ranks.
Q. What officers and non commissioned officers were immediately around Maj. Blake, and assisting him?
A. Lt. Johnston. Segt. Fitzsimmons, Corp. Walsh and myself.
Q. Do you know whether the pack mules and cannon did not leave town some time before the riot commenced, and who sent them out of town?
A. The pack mules and cannon left town an hour before the riot. They were ordered out of town by Lieut. Johnston.
Question by the Court. What was your object in preventing Lt. Johnston from entering the crowd?
Answer. To keep him from getting hurt. He was endangering hishis life there.
Maj, G. A. H. Blake, 1st Dgns, a witness for the prosecution being duly sworn testifies as follows.
A mutiny and riot occurred on the 8th of March last in Taos in Comp F, 1st Dgns. between three & four O’clock in the evening. I was attacked by some of the men of the Company—Prit. Cooper, the first, who seized me by the throat and struck at me. I was knocked down directly. After contending some minutes with the men, I was released from them by some of the men of the Company, and when I got on my feet, I saw Lieut. Johnston for the first time. I know not what assistance I received from him or any one else, as as I did not see above a man’s waist from the time I was struck first until I got on my feet.
Q by J. A. Were you severely injured and was your life in danger?
A. I was severely injured and I consider that my life was endangered in the attack.
Q. Did you see Lieut. Johnston make any effort to stop the riot, did he arrest or confine any one, and how and when was the affair finally put a stop to?
Answer. I did not see Lieut Johnston make any efforts to stop the riot. He did not arrest or confine any one to my knowledge. It seemed to stop of itself. Not a word was said by a man that I heard after I got on my feet. I considered the affair ended. Judge Brocchus came up at about this time, and I pointed out to him those of the men, who I knew were guilty, and requested them to be confined.
Q by J.A. Did you try to use a sabre in your defense during the mutiny?
Answer. I did. At one time I rose to my foot & knee. I drew the sabre of Maj. Thompson from its scabbard. I struck Steele the last man, and the only one at that time that had hold of me with it two or three times. Finding that I could not use it from the position I was in, and the crowd around me, and that I was getting the worst of it, I put it away from me & relied upon my strength.

Q Was the riot of such a character as to endanger the lives and property of the citizens of Taos?

Answer. I can not say, as I was down. Ramon Bacca, a Mexican, who was assisting me, was seriously injured by the soldiers, and a horse, I think ran over a Mexican, and injured him.

Here the witness desired to explain and I said -- I will state that after I got on my feet, and pointed out to Judge Brocchus the parties who had attacked me, I walked from the left of the Company across the plaza to Mr. Peter Joseph’s house, where Bugler Stephens was standing. Whilst down, I had a recollection of him using some violent language I did not know what part he had taken in the riot. I spoke to him and told him I thought that he had acted badly. Judge Brocchus asked him to make acknowledgement to me of his error, whatever it might have been. I told him he could not make it to me, he could to the judge, and he must recall all he had said and done or something to that effect. I was then walking away from him, and but a very short distance, not over a yard or two, he made use of some remark, that he was as good a man as I was, that he would blow my damned heart out, or something of that kind, bringing down his gun, a Sharps rifle, cocked and capped. It was seen by Mr. Carson and Judge Brocchus. I asked to have him confined, and walked into Mr. Peter Joseph’s store and washed myself, and when I returned the Company was gone.
Cross examination by the accused.
Q. Was Lieut. Johnston with Company F when it arrived in the plaza of Taos and on the morning of the riot?
Answer. No Sir. He came into town with me two hour before the arrival of the Company.
Q. Did you know upon what duty Lt. Johnston came into Taos in advance of the Company on that morning?

Answer. I cannot recollect particularly. I am satisfied he did come in on duty as his commissary and quartermaster accounts were kept in town.

Q. Did you not have a pistol handed to you and threw it away without using it during the riot?

Answer. I picked up a pistol, when I first got on my feet. I was very much excited and afraid I might use it against those, who were assisting me. I put it away.

Q. Do you not recollect that Corpl. of Vandener was assisting you during your fight with the men, or with some of them?

Answer. I do not, Sir, but I was satisfied when I got on my feet, that he had been assisting me.

Q. Did you not release Sergt. Fitzsimmons from arrest for the assistance he rendered you in suppressing the riot?

Answer. I did, Sir. I was told that he was assisting me, and I released him from arrest.

Mr. Wm. M. Ashurst, a citizen, a witness for the prosecution being duly sworn, answers to questions put by the Judge Advocate as follows:
Q. Were you present at the riot of Compy. F., Dgns., which took place in Taos in March last?

Answer. I was at the riot ______ sometime in March last, caused by Maj. Thompson’s company of Dragoons.

Q. How many of the men were engaged in the attack on Maj. Blake, and what proportion remained in their ranks?

Answer. My impression is that the major part of the Company remained in their ranks about their horses, some on foot, and some on horse back.

Q. Did you hear anyone urge those men in the ranks to join the mutineers, and if so, state the circumstances?

Answer. I saw a soldier while the fight was pending between Maj. Blake and some of the soldiers, walk up in front of those that were on horse back. He marched up near the right of the Company. He called upon them and said he, are you men or are you dogs? Some of them replied that they were men. He said then follow me, as I understand it, to follow him into the fight against Maj. Blake. A sergeant spoke to the men and told them not to have anything to do with it. None of them followed the soldier, who first addressed them.
Q. How was the riot eventually quelled?
Answer. I can not state.
Q. Did you see Lt. Johnston in the riot.
Answer. I did.
Q. How long after its commencement?
Answer. When I first saw Lt. Johnston the fight was going on. I saw him there a very short time. It might have been one moment [minute].
Cross examined by the accused.
Q, What position and attitude was was Lt. Johnston occupying when you saw him and what did you hear him say?
Answer. The fight commenced in front of the left wing of the Company. Maj. Thompson and George Goukd were standing nearest to Maj. Blake. Lt. Johnston was standing between Maj. Thompson and some of the soldiers of the left wing of the company. The fight seemed to be going on towards that that way. At the tikme my attention was directed to Lieut. Johnston. I saw some six or eight soldiers coming up from the Company to where the fight was going on. I heard Lt. Johnston say to them, stand back men. He put his hand on his sword. My impression was that he drew it entirely, but I am not satisfied on that point. Some one however about that time struck one ofr two of the soldiers with the flat of a sword. I think Lt. Johnston also said in connection with his first remark to the soldiers, stand back or I will cut you through. I have stated where he was standing. His attitude was evidently that of moving about, keeping the men from going in to where the fight was going on. I will state by way of explanation, when I first saw Lieut. Johnston, he was moving about so as to prevent the men from coming up to the fight.
Q. Were not some of the men in ranks evincing an evident disposition to break ranks and get in the row, and were those the men that Lieut. Johnston was attempting to keep back?
Answer. AS I stated before, the men approaching the fight from the ranks were from the left flank of the Company. These were the men he stopped or attempted to stop. I didn’t think he succeeded in stopping all of them.
The witness desired to add further that after the row, he heard Lt. Johnston say that if Maj. Thompson could not march the Company out of town, he could and would do it. He immediately called for his horse, went to the front of the Company, and marched them out of town.
Then the Judge Advocate stated to the Court that Mr. Carson, a witness for the prosecution had left town & gone to Taos although he had had summoned him both on the part of the prosecution & defense--but, he would not ask the Court to delay for the witness, as he had his doubts about his ability to procure his attendance.
The Judge Advocate then announced that the prosecution was closed. Whereupon the Court adjourned until eleven O’Clock to morrow morning Friday February 8th 1856.

Santa Fe, N. Mexico
11 A.M. Friday, February 8, 1856
The Court met pursuant to adjournment. Present.
1. Colonel Thomas T. Fauntleroy, 1st Dragoons
2. Bt. Col. Dickson L. Mills, Lieut. Col. 3rd Infy.
3. Bt. Lt. Colonel Joseph H. Eaton, Capt. 3rd Infantry
4. Bt. Lt. Colonel Daniel L. Chandler, Captain 3rd Infantry
5. Bt. Major Governeur Morris, Major 3rd Infantry
6. Bt. Major Jefferson Van Horne, Capt. 3rd Infantry
7. Bt. Major William H. Gordon, Capt. 3rd Infantry
8. Bt. Major W. T. H. Brooks, Captain 3rd Infantry
9. Bt. Major Oliver L. Shepperd, Captain 3rd Infantry
10. Bt. Major William A. __________, Captain Ord. Dept.
11. Bt. Major John L. Sprague, Captain 1st Infy.,
Asst. Surgn. J. Byrne, Med., Dept., Judge Advocate
First Lieut. Robert Johnston, 1st Dgns, the accused, also present.
The proceedings of yesterday were read.
The Judge Advocate then on the part of the prosecution made the following admission—namely—that if Mr. C. Carson, a ciotizen, were present, he would say,
I was with Lieut. Johnston in Taos on the morning of the riot in F. Copy 1st Dragoons before the Company reached the plaza. Lt. Johnston had come into town in advance of the Company, on duty. He remarked to me if he had command of the Company, it should not be halted in town, because some of the men were drinking, and he was afraid they would get drunk. After the riot had commenced and while the fighting was going on, I saw Lt. Johnston between Major Blake, and the Company endeavoring to keep back the men, who were evincing a disposition to break ranks and join in the riot, and heard him say to them, stand back or I will cut down any any man, who advances. Some of the men separated and went around him. Others fell back into the ranks.
The Judge Advocate said he admitted the facts set forth in the above statement.
Private Robert Walsh, Copy G, 1st Drns, a witness for the defence being duly sworn, answers as follows, to the following questions put to him by the accused.
Q. Were you present at a riot, which occurred in F. Copy at Taos on or about the 8th of March last?
Answer. I was.
Q. Did you see Lt. Johnston there, and if you saw him, what was he doing?
Answer. I saw the Lieutenant there. I saw him walking up and down in front of the Company, and ordering the men to keep in ranks. I saw him seize his sabre, and say that the first man, who would leave the ranks, he would cut him down. I saw Lieut. Johnston march the Company out of town.
Q. Did Lt. Johnston use his utmost endeavors to suppress the riot?
Objected to by the Judge Advocate. The objection was sustained and the decision announced to the accused.
Q. Was any assistance made to Mr. Dephew, the deputy marshal, who arrested the men, was any assistance asked for by him, or any assistance requested to arrest the men?
Answer. I did not hear Mr. Depew asking for any assistance. I did not see any resistance made by the men to the arrest,
Q. About how many men were engaged in fighting with the Major Blake, and what officers & non commissioned were present assisting the Major and taking men off of him?
Answer. About four men were engaged in fighting with the Major. Lt. Johnston, Serg. Fitzsimmons, Corps Walsh & Vanderlien were assisting the Major. I saw Maj. Thompson there, but did not see him do any thing.
Q. Did you see Major Blake have a pistol in his hand during the riot, and if so, what did he do with it?
Answer. I saw the Major with a pistol in his hand, after the last man was turned over to me to be confined --- it was Steele. I saw him holding it at first in both hands. He then took it in his left hand, and put it behind his back as though he were putting it in his pocket. I can not say that he put it in his pocket. I saw nothing more of the pistol.

Cross examine by the Judge Advocate.
Q. Did Lieut. Johnston at any time of the riot, that you saw, actually draw his sabre from its scabbard?
Answer. Yes, Sir.
Q. Were there not several men, who advanced from the ranks to join in the fight?

Answer. I noticed only one, at any time of the riot, a drunk from the ranks. Lt. Johnston ordered him to return & he did it.

Q. Was Corpl. Vandener arrested that day?

Answer. Not to my knowledge. He marched out of town on duty with the Company as a corporal.

Q. Did Maj. Thompson at any time of the riot, strike any soldier with his sabre?

Answer. I did not see him strike any one.

Q. From whom did Lieut. Johnston receive orders to march the Company out of town?

Answer. I do not know, Sir.

Q. by the Court. Who ended the riot--- Did it stop, or was it suppressed by the authority of the officers, and noncommissioned officers of the army then present, or did it cease by the aid and interference of the civil authority?

Answer. It was stopped by the assistance of the officers and noncommissioned officers.

Here the accused informed the Court that he had no further testimony to adduce and asked the Court until to morrow morning at 11:00 o’clock to prepare his final defence. His request was granted, and the Court accordingly adjourned until 11:00 o’clock to morrow morning, Saturday February 9th, 1856.

Santa Fe N. Me.
11:00 A.M. Saturday February 9th, 1856
The Court met pursuant to adjournment.
Present.
1. Colonel Thomas T. Fauntleroy, 1st Dragoons
2. Bt. Col. Dickson L. Mills, Lieut. Col. 3rd Infy.
3. Bt. Lt. Colonel Joseph H. Eaton, Capt. 3rd Infantry
4. Bt. Lt. Colonel Daniel L. Chandler, Captain 3rd Infantry
5. Bt. Major Governeur Morris, Major 3rd Infantry
6. Bt. Major Jefferson Van Horne, Capt. 3rd Infantry
7. Bt. Major William H. Gordon, Capt. 3rd Infantry
8. Bt. Major W. T. H. Brooks, Captain 3rd Infantry
9. Bt. Major Oliver L. Shepherd, Captain 3rd Infantry
10. Bt. Major William A. Thornton, Captain Ord. Dept.
11. Bt. Major John L. Sprague, Captain 1st Infy.,
Asst. Surgn. J. Byrne, Med., Dept., Judge Advocate

The proceedings of yesterday were read over, when the accused 1st Lt. R. Johnston presented and read the written defence (Marked A) appended to these proceedings.

The Court was then cleared for deliberation, and having materially weighed the evidence adduced, finds the accused 1st Lt. Robert Johnston of the 1st Regiment of Dragoons U.S. Army as follows:
Of the specification. Not Guilty.
Of the charge. Not Guilty.
And does therefore acquit him.
(signed) Th. T. Fauntleroy Col. 1 Regt. Drag.

The Court, having no further business before it at present, adjourns until the second day of June, 1856 at 11:00 o’clock A.M.

(Signed) Th. T. Fauntleroy Col. 1 Regt. Drag.
J. Byrne, Judge Advocate

Letters Home: Mathias Baker

Mathias Baker ran off from his prosperous New York home and joined the 1st Dragoons in 1845. He accompanied Stephen W. Kearny to Santa Fe in 1846. Returning to Ft. Leavenworth with Lt. John Love to rebuild the company, he writes of the trek back to the states. Baker accompanied Love to New Mexico in 1847, and in 1848, he fought with Company B at Santa Cruz de Rosales. Having superior writing skills, Baker was made Sergeant Major of the regiment On June 7, 1849, Baker died during the Cholera epidemic while at Ft. Leavenworth.

Here are three letters written by Baker while serving with Company B in the years 1846-1847.

Santa Fe, Mexico, Sep 13th 1846
Dear Sister [Mrs. Hugh Martin],
I suppose that by my previous letter you have long since known my starting for Mexico and by this time you will see I have advanced as far as Santa Fe which at present is held by an American Army, commanded by Gen’l Kearney [sic]. You will have seen by the papers that the Mexican soldiers & officers on the approach of the American Army, retired and totally dispersed. The whole country gave up without a gun being fired, if I except the firing of the American Artillery (blank cartridges) on this day of the entry into Santa Fe. I am much disappointed in this country. It is bare of wood and water, mountainous and the only parts they can cultivate is [sic] a few of the valleys that are watered by springs and small streams from the Mountains. The houses of town and country are built of mud bricks dried in the sun, are one story high and have no windows, so when the door is shut the room is dark at mid-day. However they are very warm in the winter & cool in summer. The roofs all flat. They raise corn, wheat onions, no potatoes, have thousands of goats sheep, some cattle, plenty of asses and mules with some fine Pony horses. The silver and gold mines siren to be plenty and no doubt before long Yankee skill & perseverance will bring many to light, as yet undiscovered. The Americans have heretofore been afraid to hunt for and work the mines on account of the Indians, who have been the Real masters of the country. But the American Dragoons will soon learn them to keep quiet. They have no mills for grinding wheat except some small hand concerns, and they have to use to the sieve or what is commonly done [to] eat bran and all. They kill-dry both corn & wheat. They have some apples & peaches as well as melons and their grapes equal those I saw in France. They are fond as a nation of dancing and have Fandangos every night in town & country and the way the Mexican Senora dances could be a caution to a Broadway belle. The beauty of Mexican ladies is not generally great but in some cases is extraordinarily fine and brilliant. They become women very young and marry early, but fade and become old & haggard in proportion. Indian blood is almost universally mixed through out the population & the language is far from the pure Spanish. I have given you some few ideas of this country & people but cannot dwell at length on the subject now. You know I must have something to talk about when I see you. I suppose you are anxious to know when that may be, I cannot say for certainly when for I start the 25th of this month to go some hundreds of miles south into the country, to Chuwauwau and then west into California, to Monterey, about 1400 miles off. This is the most healthy country in the world, and I am much larger and heavier than ever before. It rains only in the Spring & Fall. You would laugh to see what a complexion I have, burnt to the colour of Mahogany and with an immense Moustachios.
This will be carried by Government express to Fort Leavenworth on the Missouri about 1000 miles from this and hence mailed to New York. I wish you would write me and direct to me care of Major E. C. Sumner Santa Fe via Fort Leavenworth, Missouri. I wish you would also have mailed to me the latest N.Y. Weekly Herald. I suppose the difficulties between the two countries have been settled before this time, if not all our troops have to do is to march from our part of of the country to the other for the Mexican Army will not fight.
Well good bye for the present. Remember me to all of the members of our family. I am anxious to hear how brother James’ healt is. I have not heard since he left for England. I hope you are in good health and spirits. I always am,
Affectionately your brother,
M. L. Baker
_______________________________________________________________________________

Fort Leavenworth Dec. 10 1846
Dear Nephew,
I was much pleased to receive your letter in fact I was delighted to receive a communication from any one East, but was most highly gratified to get a letter from you which is perhaps the first one you have sent to any one. Your first inquiry is “are you in the Army” and next add that my previous letter must have been miscarried as none had been received.” That must be the reason, the letter must have been miscarried and therefore you left in ignorance of my whereabouts. And so you hope I am not in the Army! Why not? Should a consideration of fear keep an American back when he may be wanted by his country to fight for its causes? No my dear boy; you should not have any selfish feelings on such a subject, you should hope and wish for a x welfare that would go to the x , but at the same time feel proud of a relative’s determination in such a matter. Yes, my dear boy, I am in the Army, and although I do not rank as high as some yet without the influence of powerful friends, but my merit alone am already a N. C. Officer of B Troop of the U.S. Dragoons. I went out last spring under Gen Kearney [sic] and was with him in entering the Mexican Territory and in the taking of Santa Fe. When Gen. Kearney [sic] left for California our Company was broken up and the men out in other companies to fill them up, and our officers ordered to the U.States to fill up a new company. Some are now in Ohio, St. Louis & [et]c recruiting for us and by spring our Troop will be organized and sent to the seat of War. As to the exact point I cannot say, perhaps, to join the Southern Army commanded by Gen Taylor or which is very probable ordered to California. But the whereabouts is very uncertain as a soldier seldom knows where his presence may be wanted for an hour ahead.
We had a hard time of it in coming from Santa Fe this time of the year. Scarcely any grass was left, and very little wood. We had two six mule teams and one four mule carriage and put in much corn as we could carry besides our own food. We could only give our mules but two quarts a day! Yet enough of them lived to bring our waggons to this post, having lost about Ten, but we replaced them by saddle mules and by the saddle party (17.) walking the last 150 miles. Yet notwithstanding all this we made the trip in thirty one (31) days! We had plenty of Buffalo and Antelope meat on the way with an occasional Squirrel, Hare. Turkey & [et]c. Some shoot the Prairie Dogs but I don’t fancy them as for friends and inhabitants of their holes [,] Owls, a Rattlesnake and a horned frog! This is singular, but true and the Frog is a most curious and beautiful animal, entirely harnless. The Dog is about the size of a plump rabbit and their meat and [et]c resembles a squirrel, but they resemble very much a bull pup as they sit at the mouth oftheir holes and bask at you. They live in Towns, never above, for when you come across a dog hole you will see debris in extent all dug up huge rattle snakes running in and out of the holes, here and there, an Owl hopping in and out, the prairie dog shaking his little tail and shirilly barking, while here and there is the most curious of all curious animals the horned frog. The Grass grows around a dog town. For hundreds of mile in the Buffalo range, we see in all directions as far as the eye the eye can reach the ground blackened by Buffalo. To look at this you would not expect they could run very fast but it takes a very fast horse to keep up with them. Their meat is most excellent and no butter can compare to the marrow in their bones. A person can eat four fold the quantity of this meat than of Beef, and feel no inconvenience. The road is infested part of the way by the Comanche Indians, but we saw none of them except one evening, when by a timely precaution we perhaps saved ourselves from a night attack. The place is called Rocky Point and is noted for many attacks being made there by the Indians on Traders & others. We noticed on coming into Camp we noticed some dung from Indian ponies grazing at a . . . .and suspected immediately that some of these devils were in the neighborhood. As soon as we got supper over a few of us went out armed to the teeth to reconnoitre. We had had proceeded about one hundred yards when the Mules were panicked, when up jumps an Indian from behind a rock and starts off with the speed of a Deer. He was distant–above 90 or 100 yds when he started, and it being after dark he certainly could be x seen again, but on [letter damaged hereon] carbine at the rascal but none of the Balls hit him as he . . . . coursed and suddenly disappeared among the rocks. . . . . him/loading as we ran, but could find no trace . .. . . put on guard to keep watch but we sure . . . . more by them. They know the difference between a Dragoon . . . . I find my letter must come to a close for . . . .
________________________________________________________
Fort Leavenworth April 28, 1847

My Dear Boy,
I received your letter a short time since and from its date, I see that it has laid in the office for some time. In the Army, we know not at which moment our services may be required and although we may be at this post to day, yet we may be about some fifty miles by the morrow. Such as been the case with me during the past winter. I have been ordered to take charge of a party to go among the Indians, and in one quarter of an hour have been in my saddle, and on my journey, fully armed and equipped. Such is a Dragoon’s life, he must have always, all his accoutrements ready, and in the proper place, so that whether we are ordered night or day, it makes no difference in the dispatch. I have been called upon at 10 O Clock at night and traveled without moment’s rest the distance of one hundred and forty miles. Some say a soldier’s life is an easy or lazy life. In some respects, the Infantry does lead such a life (as garrison), but no one can say our Corps, (that is the Dragoons) are ever idle. I will give you a small detail of my duties during the day. I rise at Reveille (that is early dawn.) The men are all formed into line and the roll called = one half hour. After Drill Call is blown, and we mount our horses and Exercise with Carbine, Sabre and pistol for an hour or so. Then comes breakfast call. The men are all paraded and they march into the eating room. But previous to this all the horses are thoroughly groomed and watered. In mornings we have ourselves except we may be on Guard or on some fatigue party, which a non commissioned officer (like myself) always has charge of—in x. (for a non commissioned officer is not supposed to labor at all) At 12 O Oc[lock] Stable Call, when all the horses are led into line and watered. At One O Clock Dinner. At Two—Drill for something like an hour. At Six P.M. stable call, the horses groomed, watered, & [et]c. At sun down, Retreat sounds, all are paraded during the fifteen minute of the Band playing, from thence to supper and at 9 Oclock Tattoo sounds, all parade again answer to their names. Half an hour after this call sounds second Tattoo, at which all the lights in the garrison are put out, and all have retired to bed. Such is a garrison life of a Dragoon, and considering the different set of arms he has to use, as well as his horse equipage, all of which must be in a clean state, I am sure no one can say he has an idle and lazy life. At our leisure moments, we repair to the library and read the papers & periodicals of the day and take perhaps some work home to our quarters to peruse. I have been very busy since I last wrote you. Lately a number of Recruits have arrived from St Louis all of which now being drilled. Three of us have that duty to perform, dividing the men into different squads. I need not say it is a very serious task to be drilling a lot of green horns and especially when they are sometimes so Dutch as not to understand or be understood. Our Company is about full and will be organized either here or at Jefferson Barracks near St. Louis in about three weeks, when we will get orders to proceed either to join Gen. Scott or, once again, to visit Santa Fe, I prefer the latter, on account of the climate for it is the most healthy climate in the world. Wherever I go, I shall sit down before I start, and let you know so you will do in the public print the departure of B. Company. I should like much to see you all again, but no one cannot say when. Certainly not until the close of the War and maybe not for some years afterwards. You must let me hear from you, as soon as you receive this, for I know not how soon I may be on my way to Mexico, and be sure to give me all the news concerning the family & [et]c. & [et]c. I am enjoying the best of health and satisfied and contented with my present mode of life.
When the war closes, I may perhaps leave the Army, but I do not promise for I may have inducement held forth to help me, for the balance of my life. But if such shall be the case, I shall see you much more and perhaps more for I can get a furlough (that is, leave of absence) when the Army is laying still. My dear boy, make as rapid progress as possible in your studies, for perhaps you may in time be thrown on the world like myself and then you will see the advantages of improving one’ self in early life. Give my love to Pa & Ma, as well as other friends and relatives. I much need close, so good bye and believe me to be an uncle that wishes you all the happiness this world can bestow.
M. S. Baker
Corporal B Troop & 1st Regiment
of U.S. Dragoons

PS. Please say, I received the x papers and should be pleased to receive any that my friends would take the trouble to send me.

Fort Stanton Cave

THE FIRST DRAGOONS AND FORT STANTON CAVE

By Mike Bilbo (Outdoor Recreation Planner/Cave Specialist, BLM-Socorro Field Office)

Prologue

In 1855, a patrol of the 1st Dragoons from Fort Stanton, New Mexico Territory, explore a large limestone cave located about one mile north of the fort. Their horses tied up and under guard, the men slowly and carefully make their way down the steep, loose entry sink talus. At the dripline the musty smell of the cave assails them. The soldiers are dressed in the military clothing typical of the period: white wool shirts under dark blue wool shell jackets, sky blue wool kersey trousers supported by cotton galluses, leather boots, and either non-descript campaign hats, brims flopped down in the slouched style of the western hat, or M1839 forage caps.


Down they descend into a dark, dank cavern for the first time - the first white men to explore this cave. Down into the gloom, carrying bulky whale oil lamps, ropes, haversacks, tin canteens, their heavy .44 caliber pistols belted around their waists and maybe carrying their musketoons, too. These men are young but they're veterans - tough 'ombres all right - they've been in some fights with Apaches, Comanches and Comancheros. They take it slow and cautious. Their lantern lights - their only outside reminder - flicker dimly on the walls, casting grotesque shadows all about.

Following a main passage south and east, the patrol treads first through mud and water, and then up onto massive piles of limestone blocks covered by white, powdery rubble - one of them mutters, "Shore and tis the Gates o' Hell." Another: "Nein, das ist der Backbone oaf zee Teufel." Devil's Backbone, an apt name in an appropriate place. "Knock it off and keep your eyes and ears open!" hisses the corporal. They continue the scout.

Caving is a part of their duty - they must understand all aspects of the topography they are to patrol in the coming years. Fort Stanton has been established to protect regional settlers from Plains Comanche and the nearby Mescalero Apache. Somewhere in the Guadalupe-Sacramento-Capitan mountain chain lies a cave the Apaches hold sacred. It is where the Mountain Spirits protected some Mescaleros from certain death. This event is commemorated every year by the dance of the Mountain Spirits. Religion is powerful medicine for any people. The military strategy is harsh and simple: destroy their religion and subsistence - there is a chance you can subdue the people - maybe.

Is this the cave...?

After some 1,200 feet of slow, careful progress and a slippery climb up a steep 20-foot mud slope, they are suddenly faced with a choice: the main passage bears away north and east, while to their right it pinches down into a crawl way. Being adventurous troopers, this intrepid band of recent recruits from Governor's Isle, which includes some immigrant Germans and a Scot, choose the crawlway. On hands and knees, carrying their lanterns by the bales between their teeth and dragging their gear behind them, they enter a broad, low passage and behold a most amazing sight: like a carpet of grass, thousands and thousands of crystal clear gypsum needles, each almost a foot high, fill the passage.

The Dragoons push forward, but out of respect for this wonder of nature, they keep their passage shoulder-width only. This is not new to the Germans - they caved many times in Bavaria only a few years before. 600 feet later the party exits the crawl and stands up, "Let's take five for a lit." The soldiers have just come out of Crystal Crawl and are relaxing at the beginning of Decoration Passage.

Introduction

So in March, 1975, one hundred twenty years later, with three friends, I go on one of my first caving trips. With a caving permit from the Bureau of Land Management, we are here in Fort Stanton Cave because we came to look for some reported military names associated with Fort Stanton. We are soldiers ourselves - all members of the 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment at Fort Bliss, Texas. The ancestral unit, the illustrious Regiment of Mounted Rifles, had once been stationed at Fort Stanton in the 1850's. With me is the regimental museum curator, Sgt. Dan Peterson, and his assistants, Specialists Ron Howie and Lisa Meyers. We're thinking that maybe these reported names can be traced through post returns, hoping they turn out to be Mounted Rifles.

Supposing to be where the names were located and beginning to wonder about the accuracy of directions to the names, we had once again come the same way and had come to the same resting spot. "Well, no names here. Great, just great. Well, let's push on and see what's up ahea...Wait! Here they are, here they are! Wow, this great! Look, look at the dates - "1855." And look at this: "K Co. 1st Dr(agoons) U.S.A." So we had found the names. Not Mounted Rifles, but close enough.

In 1855 both units worked hand-in-hand in this region. The names were written in a characteristic mid-19th Century style. There were two groups of names, actually. They were etched on a protruding mass of light yellow flowstone and were covered by a transparent mineral layer, which had probably helped preserve them through the years. The layer also helped fix the authenticity of the names.

The Names

One group of six names was associated with the phrase "5 for a lit (or possibly bit)," while the other group of two German names, possibly immigrant-soldiers, was associated with a phrase or sentence: "Caxes Texeher uns Anhalt Deffuer (or De/fuer)." Two dates of 1855 were associated with the latter group. The first group read:

John Lepsey, Washington, Kansas

K, Cherry, John (John Cherry, Company K)

L. Loerhe, K Co. 1 Dr U.S.A. (L. Loerhe, Company K, 1st Dragoons, United States Army)

Victor H. Brown, Tracy City, Tennessee

Horace Belknap, Company B

William Richards, Capitan, New Mexico

The German group read:

E. Fritz 1855 (probably Emil Fritz)

Joseph Meyers, Wiessemberg 1855

The dates 1855 are the year the soldiers visited the cave in conjunction with the establishment and building of Fort Stanton by the 1st Dragoons in March of that year. In each case the individual either listed his unit or his hometown. Follow-up research on the names has been limited, but with some interesting findings. In order to find out more about these men and their relationship to regional or national history, we contacted Marion Grinstead, a noted regional military historian specializing in pre-Civil War frontier military unit histories of West Texas and Southern New Mexico, especially the Mounted Rifles.

Marion obtained microfilm copies of the official post returns from the National Archives pertaining to Fort Stanton in 1855. With special reference to the location of Companies B and K, Marion was able to confirm that these were members of the 1st Dragoons. Because of this fact, Fort Stanton Cave is nationally significant relative to the garrisoning of the West by the U.S. Army in this time period, when many other forts were also built.

While Marion was not able to follow up on the personal histories of each man, she feels quite confidant she has identified four of the men. The one, "E. Fritz," is almost certainly Emil Fritz, who rose from private to colonel in and around southern New Mexico, and retired into business at Lincoln town in partnership with Messrs. Murphy and Dolan; in the late 1870's he played a significant role in the Lincoln County Wars. His descendants remain in the Lincoln vicinity to this day! The following section is Marion's notes on the Fort Stanton Post Returns:

Analysis of the Military Names in Fort Stanton Cave, Prepared for Mike Bilbo by Marion Grinstead, April, 1975

The Captain of Company K (and post commander), 1st Dragoons was James H. Carleton, one of the truly (to my notion) outstanding military men in New Mexico during the Civil War. He received his baptism of fire along the plains of Mexico during the Mexican War, 1846-48. The 1st Lieutenant was D.H. Hastings, at this time not present; and the 2nd Lieutenant was A.B. Chapman, also not present. Carleton was in command and present when they arrived at what would become the site of Fort Stanton, and remained in command until they left.

March - July, 1855: March 19 Co. K left Albuquerque March 19th and camped in the Gallinas Mountains, New Mexico. March 31/55.

April 1, 1855: Departed Camp in the Gallinas Mountains and arrived at Camp Garland, Rio Bonito, N.M. April 6.

May - June, 1855: Fort Stanton.

July 16, 1855: Left Fort Stanton, N.M.

July 21, 1855: Arrived at Albuquerque, N.M.

The above is all carried on the face of the Regimental Return. There is no other information regarding the men, i.e., they were not on Extra Duty or Daily Duty during this period, nor were they on Detached Service.

One interesting reference was to a Corporal Brown who was on Extra Duty, but there were several Browns, though no Victor H. They do not indicate that a corporal by this name was discharged in the five years examined. However, I do not suppose this to be really important - there were one or two names omitted (and noted by the Washington office to which these returns were sent) and were apparently never picked up.

Discharged, 1 January 1856: Emil Fritz, Sgt, Co. K, Reenlisted in Regiment same date. Last muster, 1861. Company K then at Albuquerque.

Discharged, 15 February 1856: John Cherry, Pvt, Co. K. No reenlistment. Company K at Albuquerque.

Discharged, 12 February 1858: Joseph Myer, Bugler, K, at Ft. Buchanan, New Mexico (Arizona). Reenlisted same date and place. (After looking at Mike's photos of this particular name, I am convinced this is his "Meyers" - "Myer" is probably a clerical error.

Discharged, 26 February 1858: Louis Loeslie, Pvt, K, at Ft. Buchanan, New Mexico. No reenlistment. (Again, after careful examination of Mike's photos, I am sure this is his "Loerhe." There are no other names which fit, and in this instance - bless that old trooper - he added his company and regiment!).

ä Enlistments during this period were for five years. Therefore the first muster dates may possibly be

determined by subtracting from the discharge date.

ä From Returns from Regular Army Cavalry Regiments, 1833-1916. Microcopy 744. Rolls 4 and 5, First Cavalry, 1851-1859 and 1860-1866.

ä So Emil Fritz was 23 years old when he scratched his name on the Decoration Passage wall - and the time he did it can be pinned down to a few months. ------------------Marion Grinstead

The 1st Patrol

A common, mostly true story, has an 1855 “Cavalry” (actually, 1st Dragoon) patrol looking for Apaches, finding ponies tied near the cave entrance, and finding moccasin tracks leading into the Fort Stanton Cave entrance. The soldiers did not actually see the Apaches enter the cave but assumed they were in the cave and set up a picket to starve them out. Later, the same group of Apaches is seen by soldiers trying to make for their ponies. It is probable that the soldiers’ assumptions about the Indians

actually being in the cave were erroneous. The nature of the entry sink is such that the skillful Apaches could well have slipped out a certain area of the sink while the troops entered the other. Area lore has it that the Apaches exited from another entrance.

To date there is no evidence of a second entrance and the geology does not seem to support this. For the last 50 years cavers have thoroughly explored, documented and mapped the cave to a length of about eight miles (the third longest in New Mexico). This has been careful, step-by-step documentation and every physical lead has been followed. There is plenty of evidence of a Pleistocene

entrance in the north part of the cave due to vertebrate bones found in a certain area in the cave of which there is a sink depression on the surface directly overhead, although separated by 100 feet of limestone. However, never say never. In late 2001 cavers broke through into a new passage, the Snowy River section, so named due to a rare calcite floor area where once there was a water pool.

It is quite possible that the 1st Dragoon Name Site is the only record, though not recorded in any document, of the entry by the soldiers following the Apaches.



Fort Stanton and Mounted Forces in 1855

The 1st and 2nd Dragoons and Mounted Rifle regiments were closely related for, in 1855, the U.S. Army's mounted frontier regulars consisted of the 1st and 2nd Dragoon regiments and the Regiment of Mounted Rifles. The three units were veterans of recent combat, having seen hard action throughout the Mexican War, 1846-1848. They were posted in the borderlands frontier west during the 1850's for security and exploration purposes. In 1862 these units were redesignated the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Cavalry regiments respectively.

A Brief History of Union Cavalry (Eric Wittenberg: Www.civilwarcavalry.com)

Civil War armies consisted of three major components: infantry, artillery, and cavalry. Cavalry played a major role. It's primary role was to support the infantry and artillery, gathering intelligence, scouting, screening the movements of the army, and serving as the "eyes and ears of the army." As the war dragged on, the Federal cavalry's role changed. Instead of scouting and screening, the primary role became that of an offensive weapon. By the end of the Civil War, the Northern cavalry had become one of the most fearsome offensive forces that the world had ever seen.



In 1861, with the coming of the war, the United States Army had several mounted units. The oldest was the First Dragoons, formed in the 1830's. In the 1840's, a second regiment of Dragoons was formed, followed by the Regiment of Mounted Rifles. In the 1850's, the 1st US Cavalry was formed, which was followed by the 2nd US Cavalry in 1856. Dragoons combined most aspects of both light cavalry and mounted infantry. They carried a weapon known as a musketoon in the early days, which was a shortened musket. Later, they carried carbines. Dragoons used their horses to move them from place to place, not for fighting. Most, if not all, of their fighting was done dismounted. Light cavalry served an entirely different purpose. It was primarily intended to scout and screen an army's advance, and do whatever fighting it did do mounted, typically using either the saber or pistols.

Col. Phillip St. George Cooke of the 2nd Dragoons is generally considered to be the father of the U. S.

Cavalry. In the 1850's, he wrote the tactics manual that governed the operations of the U. S. Army's mounted forces. In 1861, with the coming of the Civil War, the US Army reorganized its mounted arm. The 1st Dragoons became the 1st US Cavalry, the 2nd Dragoons became the 2nd US Cavalry, the Regiment of Mounted Rifles became the 3rd US Cavalry, which served in the West, the 1st US Cavalry became the 4th US Cavalry (which also served in the Western Theatre), and the 2nd US Cavalry became the 5th US Cavalry, which was a fine unit. A new regiment was recruited in the summer of 1861, which became the 6th US Cavalry, which was the only Regular cavalry regiment formed during the Civil War. Its men came from the area around Pittsburgh, who typically enlisted for a term of five rather than three years.

On August 10, the Adjutant General's Office General Order No. 55 re-designated the regular army's mounted units as follows:

The 1st Dragoons - 1st US Cavalry

The 2nd Dragoons - 2nd US Cavalry

The Mounted Rifles - 3rd US Cavalry

The 1st US Cavalry - 4th US Cavalry

The 2nd US Cavalry - 5th US Cavalry

The 3rd US Cavalry - 6th US Cavalry

Fort Stanton & Fort Stanton Cave Chronology

Jul 26, 1851: Lawrence Murphy enlists in the Army at Buffalo, New York.

Jan,1855: Captain Stanton in command of a 1st U.S. Dragoon column, is ambushed and killed by Mescalero Apaches on the Rio Penasco at a location between Cloudcroft and Artesia.

Mar, 1855: Co. K, 1st Regiment, U.S. Dragoon members - privates Emil Fritz, bugler Joseph Myers, Victor Brown, John Lepsey, Horace Belknap, John Cherry, Louis Loeslie inscribe their names, unit and date on a wall of Fort Stanton Cave 3/4 mile in!

May 4, 1855: Fort Stanton established at present location by Col. Dixon S. Miles, 3rd U.S. Infantry. Fort named in honor of Captain Stanton.

Jun 3, 1859: Land around the fort established by Executive Order as "Fort Stanton Reservation."

Jul 27, 1861: Strong federal force of 450 men at Fort Fillmore (Las Cruces) abandons post due to disposition of Major Isaac Lynde, 7th U.S. Infantry. Federals start across Organ Mountains to Fort Stanton.

Jul 28, 1861: Because Major Lynde surrenders his force of 400+ to Lt. Col John R. Baylor's 258-man column at San Augustine Springs, Fort Stanton cannot be reenforced.

Aug 2, 1861: Union force at Fort Stanton abandons and partially burn some buildings upon learning of situation at Fort Fillmore - join in other withdrawals toward Rio Grande Valley and Fort Craig.

Aug 13, 1861: Confederate troops under Scurry ransack Placitas after federal abandonment of Fort Stanton. Shortly after, elements of the 2nd Texas Mounted Rifles occupy Fort Stanton.

Sep 9, 1861: Confederate troops abandon Fort Stanton after the federal victory at the Battle of Glorieta Pass.

Oct 16, 1862: Col. Kit Carson and five companies of the 1st New Mexico Volunteer Cavalry/Infantry Regiment (now the New Mexico Army National Guard) reoccupy Fort Stanton and begin renovating the post.

Nov 18, 1869: In one of the first major actions of the early Indian Wars, Lieutenants Cushing and Yeaton and a 32-man troop of the 3rd U.S. Cavalry from Fort Stanton raid a Mescalero Apache rancheria in the rugged Guadalupe Mountains, destroying tons of food stockpiled for the winter months.

Aug 7, 1872: Fort Stanton Reservation, except fort, transferred to the Department of the Interior.

Sep 30, 1873: Post traders Murphy and Company evicted from Fort Stanton for cheating the

government.

Feb 2, 1874: Mescalero Apache Reservation established on lands surrounding Fort Stanton.

Aug 21,1877: Wheeler Expedition (U.S.Survey of the Territories) explores and maps Fort Stanton Cave with members of the Fifth U.S. Infantry. Names with dates can be seen in cave.

Dec 18, 1877: Buffalo Soldiers of Companies F and M, 9th Cavalry sent to El Paso, Texas to assist troops from Fort Davis in quelling racial fighting of the El Paso Salt War.

Feb 21, 1878: Company H, 9th Cavalry and Company H, 15th Infantry sent to Lincoln to preserve peace and prevent bloodshed.

Apr 5, 1878: Col. Nathan Dudley assumes command at Fort Stanton.

Apr 20, 1878: Four soldiers 9th Cavalry Buffalo Soldiers sent to Lincoln to assist sheriff John Copeland in keeping peace after killing of Sheriff Brady by Billy the Kid.

Jul 15, 1878: "Five Day War" begins in Lincoln. Col. Dudley and force of 9th Cavalry and 15th Infantry travel from Fort Stanton to Lincoln to quell the Five-Day War. Brought Gatling gun and 12-pound mountain howitzer.

Jul 19, 1878: Lincoln. Day of the "Big Killing." McSween house burned, McSween and five men killed, with troops who were supposed to be intervening, looking on.

Mar 6, 1879: Regulators, including Billy the Kid, arrested and taken to Fort Stanton.

Mar 10, 1879: Stanton troops sent to vicinity of Seven Rivers (Carlsbad) to prevent rustling and retrieve stolen cattle.

Sep 4, 1879: Victorio leads Apaches off Mescalero Reservation. Victorio Campaign starts with coordinated movement of troops throughout region.

May 19, 1882: New Mescalero Apache Reservation established in present location.

Aug 26, 1887: 2nd Lieutenant John J. ("Blackjack") Pershing arrived at Fort Stanton - assigned to Troop L, 6th Cavalry. The nickname "Blackjack" given to him at Stanton – several colorful version of nickname origin. Participates in the U.S. Army's first ever "War Games." Names associated with 6th Cavalry and 8th Cavalry (Ft. Bayard) can be seen in cave.

May 30, 1888: 10th Infantry arrives at Fort Stanton as the 6th Cavalry departs.

Apr 9, 1891: The Great Divide Expedition consisting of three 10th Infantry Band members at Stanton make a three-day journey in Fort Stanton and publish the results in the Great Divide Newspaper of Colorado Springs, Colorado: "Three Days and Nights Spent Among the Wonders of a Midnight World." Names with dates can be seen in cave.

Oct 28, 1895: General Order No. 56 orders the abandonment of Fort Stanton, with the establishment of the Mescalero Apache Reservation.

Aug 17, 1896: To Adjutant General: "Sir, I have the honor to report that detachments at this post were withdrawn today and therefore no further returns will be rendered." Lt. William Black, 24th Infantry (Buffalo Soldiers).

Apr 1, 1899: Fort Stanton transferred to the U.S. Marine Health Service (now the U.S. Public Health Service) as a hospital to treat Merchant Marine victims of tuberculosis. Names with dates can be seen in cave.

Aug 16, 1956: Fort Stanton transferred to the New Mexico State Department of Public Welfare as tuberculosis clinic. Surrounding 26,381 acres transferred to Bureau of land Management.

Jun 22, 1970: NMSU signed cooperative agreement with BLM to conduct range and wildlife research for 20 years.

Aug 10, 1963: Lincoln Cavern, first major find since 1855 in Fort Stanton Cave, is discovered.

1975: Fort Stanton Cave designated as a National Natural Landmark

Nov 22, 1975: Bilbo party of cavers record names and 1855 date of 1st Dragoon soldiers who established Fort Stanton - reports find to BLM (see Mar 21, 1855).

Oct, 2001: John McLean, Lloyd Swartz, Andrew Grieco & Don Becker, Fort Stanton Cave Study Project, discover Starry Nights and Snowy River passages.

July, 2003: After completing detailed environmental assessment, BLM cave specialist Mike Bilbo and lead researcher John Corcoran coordinate first Fort Stanton Cave Study Project scientific and survey trips to Snowy River.

2003-present: Fort Stanton Cave Study Project continues to research and document natural and cultural history of Fort Stanton Cave National Natural Landmark. Bilbo currently documenting all known inscription sites – 18 so far.

Fort Stanton Cave is closed to public visitation annually from Nov. 1 to April 15 due bat hibernation. For permit information, please write or call: Cave Specialist, BLM-Roswell Field Office, 2902 West 2nd Street, Roswell, NM 88201-2019. 505-627-0278/0272

Disabled Dragoon Officers

George Evans

George Evans graduated from the Military Academy as a member of the legendary Class of in 1846. Assigned as a brevet 2d Lieutenant to the 1st Dragoons, he received a brevet for bravery at the battle of Buene Vista before receiving his permanent rank of 2d Lt. Assigned to A Company, he suffered what appears to be a stroke while in California in 1850. Sent home to Maine, he languished for another 9 years before dying on 29 March 1859.

Adjutant-General's Office,
Washington, November 9, 1854.

Report of the Adjutant General of the Army relates to passing over 2d Lieutenant George F. Evans, of the 1st Regiment of Dragoons, on account of physical disability.

Sir: Lieutenant George F. Evans, of the 1st Dragoons, being at the head of the list of second lieutenants of his regiment, and a vacancy having occurred therein by the resignation of Captain Buford, I respectfully request your instructions on the question of carrying up Lieutenant Evans to a first lieutenancy, or giving the promotion to the next below him on the regimental list.
Lieutenant Evans left his company in California in October, 1850, in consequence of a severe attack of paralysis, affecting both his limbs and speech, and from which there seems but little, if any, prospect of his recovery. He is entirely unable to make the monthly sick-reports prescribed by the regulations, which are in the handwriting of his father, Lieutenant E., simply affixing his mark to them. Accompanying is the last certificate of Lieutenant Evans's physicians, dated at Gardiner, Maine, October 2, 1854.
"I have the honor to be, sir, your obe'd't ser't,
(Signed)"S. COOPER,
"Adjutant-General.

Hon. Jefferson Davis,
"Secretary of War.

The disability of Lieutenant Evans requires that the officer next below him, competent for active service, shall be promoted over him.
Signed, JEFFER. DAVIS,
Sec. of War

PRO BONO PUBLICO:
1st Lieut. Thomas Castor


Benny Havens ran a tavern that was located about a mile and one-half from the cadet barracks at the United States Military Academy in West Point, New York. The saloon quickly became a favorite haunt for generations of cadets. Cadet Edgar Allan Poe wrote that Benny was “the sole congenial soul in the entire God forsaken place.” In 1838, a couple of appreciative young officers, borrowing the Irish tune known as the Wearing of the Green (also known as The Rising of the Moon), composed some verse to honor Benny Havens. The first verse went as follows:
“Come fill your glasses, fellows, and stand up in a row,
To singing sentimentally we’re going for to go;
In the army there’s sobriety, promotion’s very slow;
So we’ll sing our reminiscences of Benny Havens, Oh!
Chorus:
Oh! Benny havens, Oh! Oh! Benny Havens, Oh!
We’ll sing our reminiscences of Benny Havens, Oh!”

The song soon became quite popular among officers. During the ensuing years, many a new verse was added as cadets carried the song with them from the dismal Everglades to Buena Vista’s barren plain and then out to the foothills of California’s Motherlode.
Thomas Foster Castor entered West Point in 1841. His classmates, a rather notable group, included the likes of George McClelland, Thomas Jackson, A.P. Hill, George Crook and George Pickett. The latter cadet seems to have become “addicted to Benny’s enticements.” During the years of Cadet Castor’s stay at the Academy it is likely that he also frequently slipped out of the barracks to partake in a glass of hard cider and join in the good cheer at Benny Haven’s public house.
“Let us toast our foster-father, the Republic, as you know,
Who in the paths of science taught us upward for to go;
And the maidens of our native land, whose cheeks like roses glow,
They’re oft remembered in our cups at Benny Havens, Oh!”

Upon graduation in 1846, Castor was posted to Fort Columbus in New York Harbor. Here is a copy of letter that a freshly minted brevet 2d Lieutenant Castor wrote to the folks back home in Pennsylvania.

Fort Columbus, 3 Sept. 1846

To Mrs. George Castor, Frankford, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania:

Dear Grandmother:

Well here I am snugly fixed on the Island. I arrived in N. York on Tuesday about 2 o'clock and reported myself for duty about 5 on the same day. I was attached to the dragoon recruits now here under the command of Lieut. Sibley. I have nothing to do but to superintend the drills and roll-calls, inspect their rations and keep them in order generally. I suppose that it will afford you a great deal of pleasure to hear that we will probably not sail for a month yet and very likely not that soon. Mr. Sibley told me that he would propose to the Captain when he arrived to take the company from here to Carlisle, mount it there and after drilling it for some time take it down to Mexico by land. if this obtains I would not be surprised if we did not leave this part of the country until November. And if the reports which have just been received prove true (viz. that private advices have been received that the war is over) we will very likely not go to Texas at all. Aunt Eliza I know will clap her hands at this news notwithstanding it cuts me out of all chance of distinguishing myself. I have been so lucky as to get quarters with one of my classmates who has been here for some time and we have to rooms carpeted with tables, sofa, beds, looking glasses and everything complete. To day I am Officer of the Day and it would make you laugh to see me strutting around with my sash and sabre followed all day by an orderly at a respectful distance and having Captains and old Lieuts. asking permission to have boats etc. The Officer of the Day being you know second in command for the time being. I am very well pleased with the post so much as I know of it. The officers are very clever and the society I am told is very good.

I had the blues going up the river and indeed the whole day after I left home. I waved my handkerchief as I passed our house but I suppose it was so foggy you did not see it as I could see none waved in return. Please tell me in your answer how Aunt Eliza and [Bud?] got home and particularly how Josephine is. I was afraid when I left that she would have a spell of sickness. How did she get through wit her teeth, how much did they cost and every thing. you must tell me all. I hope you have gotten over your troubles on account of my departure and if you have not I say you must!!

Yesterday about 700 troops sailed from here for Pt. Isabel. Poor fellows they were glad to get off but many a soldiers wife who was left behind went sorrowing to her home. If there are any letters at home for me please send them on directed to Ft. Columbus, Governors Island, N.Y. I am getting over my home sickness and am in good health. Please write very soon and tell all that has occurred since I left home, and everything that would be of any interest to me. Give my love to Aunts Liz and Buts [?] and take it yourself. I am going to write to all in succession? as I promised and I hope that nobody will fail to write me a long long answer. You dear grandmother must get Buts [?] to write for you. It is near 11 o'clock so good night dear Grandmother and I hope that you will not forget.

Your affectionate grandson

On 6 December 1846, Castor gained a permanent commission as 2d Lt. with the 1st Dragoons and campaigned in Mexico with the regiment, from the siege of Vera Cruz into the Valley of Mexico through the capture of Mexico City. While in Mexico he became quite ill and began to drink heavily. There may not have been much sobriety, but promotion came slow: Castor did not become a First Lieutenant until 1851. Following the war Castor was posted to Forts Snelling and Ripley, Minnesota. On 9 October 1851. While stationed at Fort Lane in Oregon he participated in a skirmish on the Illinois River on 24 October 1853. The next year Lt. Castor was sent to Fort Miller in California with Company A. Later that year he was ordered to start construction on what became Fort Tejon. Castor's drinking and ill health continued to rack his body. In August of 1854, Castor led the first troops to the proposed site of Fort Tejon. The rigors of years of hard campaigning, and the effects of hard drinking, had taken their toll on the Lieutenant. Castor had a bout with tuberculosis and was seriously ill during his posting at Fort Tejon. On September 8, 1855, he died.

“To our kind old Alma Mater, our rock-bound Highland home,
We’ll cast back many a fond regret as o’er life’s sea we roam;
Until on our last battlefield, the lights of heaven shall glow,
We’ll never fail to drink to her and Benny Havens, Oh!”

His remains were ceremoniously buried under the spreading oaks that dot the landscape behind the Lebeck Oak. Fellow officers bought a marble headstone and an iron fence to honor their fallen comrade. Some years later, the fence and marble grave stone were moved to the site of the old post cemetery. As a consequence, no memorial marks final resting place of Lt. Castor.

“To our comrades who have fallen, one cup before we go,
They poured their life-blood freely our pro bono publico.
No marble points the stranger to where they rest below;
They lie neglected far away from Benny Havens, Oh!”

PHILLIP THOMPSON

Thompson grew up in a privileged family, the eldest son of Dr. B.C. Thompson of Augusta, Georgia and grandson of Philip R. Thompson, a former congressman from western Virginia. Thompson had attended the Richmond Academy and then was a cadet at the United States Military Academy. In 1835, he graduated 36th in a class of 56 from the Military Academy, and the Army assigned him to the 1st Dragoons. The years 1837-1841, found Thompson serving on the plains at Forts Atkinson and Leavenworth as well as the regimental adjutant for Col. Stephen W. Kearny.

In 1846, with the outset of the Mexican-American War, the Army promoted Thompson to the rank of Captain. Alcoholism was a serious problem for far too many an officer in the antebellum army. Thompson was fighting a lifelong battle with alcohol and it was a battle that he would ultimately lose.

Thompson became the adjutant for Colonel Alexander W. Doniphan’s regiment of Missouri volunteers and, as a member of Col. Doniphan’s staff, participated in the invasion the Mexican State of Chihuahua. Col. Doniphan, a lawyer in civilian life, knew little of military matters and relied heavily upon his adjutant. At the Battle of Sacramento, 28 February 1847 he received the honorary rank of major for bravery. Col. Doniphan wrote in his official report of the battle praised Capt. Thompson who “acted as my aid and adviser on the field during the whole engagement, and was of the most essential service to me."

At war’s end, Capt. Thompson reunited with his dragoon company at Ft. Scott, Missouri Territory. In the spring of 1851, the troop traveled to New Mexico Territory. Katie Bowen, the wife of Captain Isaac Bowen, department commissary officer, 1851-1855, traveled with the column. She wrote of Capt. Thompson, when intoxicated, could turn violent. "Frequently he has had 'the man with the poker' after him and always carries his pistols loaded. He fancies, when in his cups that some of his men are going to kill him, and last night, as this man was cooking by the fire, the Maj called him and presented a pistol to his head, but immediately lowered it and told the man to go about his work. When, as he was stooping over the fire, the Maj deliberately shot him in the back, the ball passing through the body under and into one arm. Medical aid from here was soon procured and the man is still alive but little hopes of recovery. Maj Thompson has been arrested . . . . He is very polished and agreeable when himself, but can not live long at the rate he has drank while here. He has nights of delirium . . . but is always gentle with his wife. She, poor soul, must be in trouble enough now. I have not heard how she bears it." The man whom Thompson shot survived, and the Army ordered Thompson to pay him $600 in damages and required that he join the temperance society in Santa Fe. Thompson "broke the pledge so soon that the society expelled him." Maj. Blake, like many other commanding officers out West, was short of officers and put up with Thompson’s alcoholism.



Finis

Resigning Dragoon Officers

Obtaining a rebel commission was not an easy thing for officers of the regular army. First, one had to choose between the loyalty owed to his home state and to the oath to defend the Constitution. Many officers of Southern birth remained in the federal army. Of 821 West Point educated officers actively serving in the federal army in 1861, 184 gained commissions in the army of the Southern Confederacy.

Consider the case of William T. Magruder--an officer who managed to fight for both sides in the war. A native of Maryland, he graduated from West Point in 1850 and landed a commission in the 1st Dragoons. He received a Captain's commission and the command of Company E to date from 8 January 1861. When the war started, Magruder found himself on leave in the East and fought for the Union Army at the Battle of Bull Run. After the battle he hurried to the West Coast to take command of his company at Fort Wall Walla, in Washington Territory only to turn around and take his company back to Washington, D.C. Magruder dutifully boarded a steamer and arrived in Washington D.C. with his troop at the end of January of 1862. He fought in a number of battles during General McClellan’s failed campaign to take Richmond in May of 1862. Opposing McClellan was Magruder's older brother, Prince John Magruder.

With his battered troop in need of new recruits and refitting, Captain Magruder went on leave in August. He did not return. On October 1, 1862, the Union Army accepted his resignation. The capable Magruder quickly obtained a captain's commission in the Confederate Army and served on General Robert E. Lee's staff. On July 3, 1863, he was killed while attempting tp rally the men of General Davis' brigade during the final moments of Pickett's charge at Gettysburg.

Dragoon Buglers

Dragoon Buglers--a work in progress
By George Stammerjohan and Will Gorenfeld

See also infra: Langford Peel, Paddy Graydon and Aaron Stevens.


1. Michael I. Considine

He was born in Tipperary, Ireland in 1834 and emigrated to the United States in 1854. The former clerk, by training, could not find work in New York City and sought out the recruiting station in that city. At least the military fed and clothed a person. He enlisted on March 21, 1855 and was immediately detailed to the dragoons and assigned to a recruit detachment organizing for California. Considine was 21 years old; he stood five feet ten inches in his stocking feet and had blue eyes and a fair complexion that would burn red and then brown under western skies. He was sent across New York Harbor to Fort Hamilton, garbed in the non-descript old fatigue uniform of the infantry. He did not stay long at the fort. On April 19, he met his new company commander in dour, pale Captain John W. T. Gardiner, a puritanical son of Maine, and the next day sailed as part of a 100-man recruit detachment for Panama. They crossed the Isthmus in one day in open leaky cars on a rattletrap railroad and boarded another steamer on the Pacific side for California. They reached San Francisco in early June and were transferred to the steamer Senator to backtrack back down the coast to New San Pedro. Two-thirds of the detachment was left behind. That group was going to Oregon.



From New San Pedro, the recruits marched overland through Los Angeles, Cahuenga Pass, past the old San Fernando Mission, at the time the vast rancho of Andreas Pico, over the massive height of San Fernando Pass where a gang of laborers was trying to improve the road to the San Joaquin and Antelope Valley. At the headwaters of the Santa Clara River, they turned toward the mountains, today known as the Saugus-Newhall area, along the Lake Elizabeth Road, which cut through the coast range in a deep sun-blasted ravine. As they neared the Antelope alley --- a part of the Mojave Desert--- they turned west along the south flank of the valley and then north into Grapevine Canyon. They reached Fort Tejon on June 20, 1855, two months after leaving New York. A few days later, another detachment, marching overland from Fort Leavenworth since June 1854, also reached the fort with a herd of horses. While Considine was footsore, these new men looked devastated from their long desert crossing.



Fort Tejon was not much to look at; a number of adobe buildings only partially finished, a ratty wooden log mess hall with a faded canvas roof, and some crude wooden buildings dotted here and there as if lost children. The dragoons at the post were a hard working lot, in tattered work clothes, though they did turn out at retreat in the new dress frock coat with the pattern of 1851 cap. Their musketoons were bright and shiny. The men were crowded into the one barracks which was being added to, but they ate in even a more crowded condition in the small log kitchen-mess hall. The other large adobe building was being converted to a mess hall with a kitchen being built onto it with a brick floor and a new wood-range cut out of sheet iron by the Quartermaster Blacksmith.



The Post Bugler, James A. Samo, who was struggling to learn music and master the bugle, was not doing very well. Captain Gardiner continued to tolerate Samo, but on June 29, 1855 appointed William T. Coates as Second Bugler. Coates had arrived with Private Considine. But, Gardiner's patience was wearing thin. When he discovered that Private William Peasner, who had turned himself in as a deserter at Salt Lake City in December 1854 and traveled to Fort Tejon as part of the overland recruit detachment, was a Bugler with his old outfit, he demoted Samo, appointing Peasner, the former deserter, to the rank of Bugler on July 26. Peasner, who had been listed as "a casual", waiting to join a company, was assigned to Company A that same day.



Coates struggled to master the bugle, but again Gardiner was displeased and on September 18, 1855, demoted Coates and appointed Private Considine to the position. Considine served as Company Bugler until February 1, 1856 when he, too, having incurred Gardiner's wrath, was demoted to the ranks. But, Gardiner was unable to find a suitable replacement and restored Considine to the bugle on April 16 of that same year. Considine remained Bugler throughout the year. He saw, as far as can be determined, no field duty, but performed his tasks at the fort until the company departed for Benicia Barracks on December 23, 1856.

2. William Peasner

Peasner was born in Byrne, Germany on August 22, 1831, At age, claiming to be 18, he enlisted in the newly formed 11th Infantry. His enlistment papers have him standing at 5 foot and 7 1/2 inches, with brown hair and a dark complexion. The war with Mexico ended before he could join his regiment and, on August 15, 1848, was discharged.
After working as a laborer for a few months in Washington D.C., he enlisted in the Regiment of Mounted Rifles and, on March 16, 1849, was assigned to Company H. encamped five miles west of Ft. Leavenworth. On May 10, 1849, the regiment began its cross-country march to Oregon Territory. It was in Oregon that Peasner likely learned how to play the bugle and, on March 1, 1850, he was appointed as a bugler with Company F.

In the spring of 1851, word reached the regiment that it was to be reorganized at Jefferson Barracks. The army ordered the privates to California to reinforce the Dragoons; the officers and non commissioned officers proceeded by ocean voyage to Panama, across the Isthmus on foot and then by sea to New Orleans and, finally, up the Mississippi to Jefferson Barracks via steamboat. It was during the regiment's stay in Missouri that Peasner managed to get himself arrested by civilian authorities and he missed his company's departure for Texas. Upon release from jail, he transferred to Company A and served with that unit out on the plains until the end of his enlistment on 13 December 1853, at Fort Gibson, Indian Territory.

Peasner took an early discharge to re-enlist in Company K. He was to report to his new unit on 1 April 1854, but failed to do so and reported as a deserter. The 23 year old bugler eventually drifted to St Louis and, using the name of William Pearson, joined a civilian quartermaster detail employed by Bvt. Lt. Col. J.S. Steptoe for his march to the west coast. The column reached Salt Lake City and encamped there for the winter. Capt. Rufus Ingall, AQM, discharged the civilian teamsters and told them they would be rehired in the spring. The unemployed Peasner would now have to fend for himself through the winter. If he turned himself in as a deserter, the Army, at least, would feed him. On 24 December 1854, Peasner walked into temporary headquarters and surrendered to Lt. Benjamin Allston, 1st Dragoons. Lt. Col. Steotie assigned Peasner to the Dragoon detachment and placed in irons. A few months later, Army Headquarters in New York issued a special order restoring Peasner to duty without trial. (Special Order 19, Headquarters of the Army, March 28, 1855 in General Orders and Circulars, 1855 M-1094 R-7.) On July 14, 1855, the Department of the Pacific issued an order directing Peasner to serve with Company A of the 1st Dragoons.

Meanwhile, back in Utah, Peasner was assigned to a detachment of dragoons bound for Southern California and Fort Tejon, which was reached in late June of 1855. Peasner he was released from arrest and placed on the A Company rolls. On 25 July 1855, Captain John Gardiner appointed Peasner to be one of the company's two buglers. Peasner settled into the routine of garrison duty for the remainder of the year.

In early May of 1856, the Yokuts living near the town of Visalia were attacked by townsfolk and an Indian war errupted. (See Tule River War http://www.musketoon.com/2005/01/tule-river-war-1856.html ) Bugler Peasner was attached to the detail of 40 Dragoons commanded by Lt. Ben Allston dispatched by LTC Ben Ball to the seat of war. On 22 December 1856, Company A left Ft. Tejon, bound for Benecia Barracks. After refitting and getting new recruits, the company started north up the Sacramento Valley, ending up in June of 1857. on Fall River, where the men built Ft. Crook. Until March of 1856, Bugler Peasner worked as company saddler and as a carpenter.

On June 10, 1858, bugler Peasner left Ft. Crook with the troop to participate in a patrol out to Honey Lake, in southeastern Lassen County, to keep the peace between intruding whites and Maidu natives. Company A returned to the post on 2 July and bugler Peasner resumed duty of sounding daily calls and helping build the post. Ob January 13, 1859, Peasner received hius discharge. Times were hard in 1859 and Peasner drifted around the state for the next 18 months in search of employment and drifted south back to Ft. Tejon. In mid February of 1860, Lt. Henry Davidson hired him for $40 a month to be a herder and cook at the post. Peasner, on April 7, accompanied Captain James Carleton on his escort of the paymaster to Utah Territory and to investigate the Mountain Meadows Massacre. Peasner returned to Ft. Tejon on 30 June and found himself discharged from employment by the quartermaster department.

Peasner again drifted around the state in search of a job. On 29 May 1860, he wandered into Fort Crook and re-enlisted into Company A. He was once again appointed as a bugler and soon found himself on the march to Pyramid Lake in Utah Territory--the Piaute War was raging. By the time Peasner's troop arrived at the seat of war the fighting had stopped and his troop was, once again put to work building a new post--Fort Churchill. With springtime, news reached the remote post of the pending dissolution of the Union and of the resignation of several officers, including Col. Thomas Fauntleroy. Other Dragoon officers hurried off to Washington, D.C. to seek commissions in state regiments.

In May of 1860, Maj. George A.H. Blake reached Ft. Churchill and soon took command of the 1st Dragoons. He quickly appointed Peasner as Chief Bugler in the regimental band. Blake moved regimental headquarters, renamed as the 1st Cavalry, to Ft. Vancouver in Washington Territory. The band and headquarters eventually made their way back to San Francisco where they were put on a steamer to Panama and from there to New York.

The regiment soon found itself stationed at Camp Sprague, just outside of Washington, D.C. Attached to the Reserve Cavalry Brigade and under the command of General Philip St. George Cooke, the 1st Cavalry participated in General George McClellan's Peninsula Campaign where the 1st tasted heavy combat at Gaines Mill. The campaign failed to take Richmond and McClellan retreated back to Harrison Landing on the James River. The losses suffered by the 1st Cavalry required that it rebuild its battered and skeleton ranks and it was sent back to Carlisle Barracks under the supervision of Lt. Col. Wm Grier. In September, following the Gettysburg Campaign, the regiment went into camp at Camp Burford near Washington for a month to rearm and remount. In mid-October Chief Bugler Peasner and the 1st Cavalry was back in the field fighting at places named Catett's Statioon, Culpepper. Stephensburg and Mine River.

In 1864, Phil Sheridan took command of the Cavalry Brigade where it fought in the Wilderness Campaign. Peasner re-enlisted at City Point, Virginia, on 12 July 1864, and while on furlough, he married Miss Jane Fay.

On 21 September 1864, Peasner fell wounded and was sent to Carisle for rehabilitation where he remained until February of 1865. He was returned to regimental headquarters at Winchester on 27 February of 1865 and remained there until the war ended. The war had ended but peace had not been restored: General Kirby Smith refused to surrender and France had during the war taken control of Mexico. The 1st was ordered to accompany General Sheridan as his personal escort on his march to Texas. Travelling by rail and riverboat the regiment reached New Orleans on May 31, 1865. Relesed from escort duty, the 1st boarded a steamer bound for Panama, bound for California. Emarking from Panama on the Pacific Mail steamer SACRAMENTO, the regiment arrived in San Francisco on 22 January 1866. Arriving in San Pedro aboard the coastal steamer ORIZABA, headquarters went into garrison at Drum Barracks.

Once again, elements of the regiment would find themselves scattered all about crude outposts on the West Coast. On 5 June of 1866, headquarters and the band boarded a steamer and sailed to Ft. Vancouver on the banks of the Columbia River. Chief Trumpeter Peasner re-enlisted on 17 July 1867. In 1870, regimental headquarters and the band were moved back to Benicia Barracks. There the band remained through the Modoc War. On July 17, 1872, Peasner re-enlisted for another 5-year term and, in December of that year journeyed to Ft. Walla Wall where, on 17 July, he enlisted in the army for the 7th time and placed in the rank of Saddler Sergeant.

The hard years of soldiering were steadily taking their toll on this lasr remaining enlisted dragoon. Peasner was suffering from frequent bouts of malaria and chronic rheumatism. The coming years were spent in garrison duty at Walla Walla. In 1879, Peasner ended his 24-year service with the dragoons and became an Ordance sergeant, assigned to Fort Lapwai in Idaho where he re-enlisted one final time on July 17, 1882. At Fort Spokane, on 7 May 1885, he retired from the Army and, with his family, moved to the nearby town of Walla Walla. On 1 July 1899, the old dragoon died of cancer to the jaw. (To be continued.)

“Overawing the Indians": Major Steen’s Futile Pursuit of the Apaches in 1850

The editor of Santa Fe Gazette of 5 March 1853, pondered, "How can a Dragoon who, with his arms and accoutrements weighing 250 pounds, mounted on a half starved browken down horse be expected to catch an Indian mounted upon his fleet little pony, sooner than an Infantryman loaded down with his musket, knapsack, his haversack?" To prove his point on the 19th of the month he printed a report filed by Brevet Major Enoch Steen from Dona Ana, New Mexico Territory, February 5, 1850. [Bvt. Maj. Steen, from Missouri, had been a 2d Lt. in the Battalion of Mounted Rangers. On 19 Sept. 1833, he was commissioned as a 2d lt. in the 1st Dragoons. In 1847 he was brevetted as a major for his conduct at the 1847 Battle of Buena Vista, a battle in which he fell wounded. Send to New Mexico Territory, Bvt. Major Steen , on 16 August 1849, he was wounded in a fight with the Apaches near the Copper Mines. This talented officer would eventually rise to the rank of Lt. Col. of the 2d Dragoons, retiring in 1863. 1 Heitman, Army Register 919.]

On Saturday the 2d inst., about 8 o’clock A.M., a report was brought to my quarters that the Apaches had made a descent upon the herds grazing in the rear of the town, and driven off the stock after wounding four Mexican herders—one of them is since dead, and carrying away one boy. On inquiry I found the facts as stated, and that the Indians had come within a mile of the town—so near that they were seen by the men from their quarters. I immediately ordered out company [H], 1st Dragoons, and started in pursuit, accompanied by L. W. O’Bannon, 3d Infantry; before, however,
we could get started, the Indians had gained some six miles.

My first impression was they were the Apaches from the Gila, and thought that by going up the river, I could intercept them at the crossing; but Mexicans all saying that they had gone in the direction of San Diego, I was induced to follow directly in their trail.

Some six or seven miles from the garrison we found the bueyada [stolen herd of cattle], which the Indians, seeing themselves closely pursued, had left. After spurring the animals, going on fifteen miles further, we were evidently gaining on the Indians. I ascertained that my first impressions were correct, and the Indians were endeavoring to reach the river. Here I divided my command, and, sending about twenty-five of the men who were best mounted with Lieutenant O’Bannon to follow on their trail of the Indians, and cut them off from the mountains, I took a more southerly route to come in between them and the river, and thus drive them upon the level plain of the Jornada, where I thought we could easily succeed in running them down.

The result was, however, contrary to my expectations, and the Indians proved to be better mounted than we were; for, after riding more than forty miles at our best speed, we were obliged to give up the chase—our horses being completely broken down, and the command so scattered that, at last, I had but six men left with me. Abandoning the chase, we espied two men standing by their horses, half way up a little rise, some half mile distant, and a herd of cattle grazing near. Supposing them to be Mexicans, we approached to within a few hundred yards, when to our surprise, they proved to be Indians, who jumped opon their horses and galloped up the hill, beckoning us to follow. WE did so as fast as our wearied animals would permit; but, arriving at the top of th rise, we saw . . . some thirty or forty warriors, all mounted on their horses, and cursing us in bad Spanish, call us to come over and fight them. As I did not chose to do this with the few men I had, I dismounted my party and made arrangements to defend myself if attacked; at the same time building a fire, in the hope that the smoke might bring Lieutenant O’Bannon’s party to my assistance, when we would be able to give them a fight. Remaining here an hour and a half, [resting] my horses, I then returned to this place, which I reached at 9 o’clock P.M., having ridden eighty miles.

Lieutenant O’Bannon, with his party, following directly in the trail of the Indians, gained upon them rapidly; but coming to a canon above the San Diego, he was obliged to dismount his men, to lead their horses down the rocky pass in single file: here the men mounted as they passed through it, and continued the chase; four of the first though, who were best mounted, were close upon the heels of the Indians, and one man, private Teagardin, company H, 1st Dragoons, came up with a party of eight who were thrown out as a rear guard. Wounding one of them with his [Hall carbine], three of the others turned upon him and attacked him with theirlances: he, however, succeeded in parrying them with his saber—receiving only a slight scratch in his back; when, perceiving the command closing upon them, two fired on him,--one shooting him through the thigh, severely fracturing the bone. I must take this opportunity to urge upon the commanding officer of this department the necessity of arming Company H with Colt’s revolvers. Had this man had one of these weapons, he would probably have killed several of these Indians. I should have mentioned that before the Indians turned, the other three dragoons had closed in and exchanged fire, wounding two other Indians.

The whole command had now passed through the canon, and here ensued a most exciting scene. The Indians in full sight, not more than a mile and a half in advance, on a level plain, and the dragoons in hot pursuit,--both parties at the top of their speed; and thus the chase was continued for thirty miles, until the horses were completely broken down.—Towards the last, the Indians were to be seen throwing away blankets, provisions, and everything but their arms, rendering themselves as light as possible.

Lieutenant O’Bannon, in returning, fell in with another small party of Indians, mounted on fresh horses and driving more with them. From the fatigued condition of his animals, they easily escaped him.

Three of my best horses were left dead in the road. I can only say, the company, without exception, behaved admirably; and every possible effort, was made to overtake the Indians; and it was owing to our having run our horses over the first and most difficult part of the country, that we were unable to come up with them after getting upon the plain.

On my return I was informed that, at about the time we started in pursuit another party of Indians came in at the lower side of town, near the river and driven off stock from there.—This was probably the party I saw after watering. In connexion [sic] I would state that, on the 27th ult a party came in about sundown and stole two Mexican boys who were working in a field not a mile from the quarters and drove off some stock. At the same time another party came in, some four miles south west of us, and drove off twenty three head of oxen, the property of Mr. Beck.

I cannot close this report without urging upon the commanding officerof the department the necessity of a campaign against these Indians as speedy as possible.

When Indians become so bold that they will come in broad daylight within a mile of a United States garrison, where dragoons are stationed, and drive off stock and murder defenceless herders, I think it becomes necessary to chastise them; this can only be done by a regularly organized campaign against them.

When these Indians start on a marauding expedition they come mounted on their best horses, (which are equal to any of ours,) and at the same time have relays waiting for them at twenty-five or thirty miles’ distance. They do their mischief and get off with several miles the start, come up with their relays and thus are mounted on fresh animals, and can snap their fingers at us, whose horses are broken down by the long chase. Thus; it is next to impossible for any dragoons to overtake them; and for this, I would suggest that a depot be selected at or near the Copper Mines; and that that point be established as the base of operations.

All of which I most respectfully submit.

E. Steen
Bvt. Maj. 1st Dragoons, Com’d’g



Lt. L. McLaws
AA Adj’t Gen.
Santa Fe

A Death in the Family: The Letters of Maj. Lloyd Beall to Bvt. Maj. Benjamin Beall 1846

The following article has been taken from "Military Collector & Historian: Journal of the Company of Military Historians", Summer 2008, Vol. 60, No. 2.

Banner Article on Battle of Santa Cruz de Rosales

Philip Ferguson, a newspaper reporter in civilian life, wrote in his journal that a “day or two after the battle [of Santa Cruz de Rosales] I found an old press and types, and issued one number of a paper called the Santa Cruz Banner, containing Colonel Ralls’ [sic] and Colonel Lane’s reports and an [unofficial] account of the battle.”

Special thanks and appreciation to Tim Kimball, an indefatigable researcher, who found this story taken from the Banner and reprinted in the Santa Fe Republican, April 22, 1848, at bottom of column 3 of page 1.


CAPTURE OF SANTA CRUZ
We copy the following from the Santa Cruz
Banner, a small sheet published at that place by P. G. Fergurson.
On the first of March Gen Price set out from
El Paso with four companies of the Missouri
regiment of horse under command of Colonel
Ralls, two companies of U. S. Dragoons under
command of Major Beall, and two mounted
howizers with an artillery detachment under
command of Capt Hasseduebel for a forced
march upon the city of Chihuahua, 300 miles
distant, south from El Paso, at Carasel [sic, Carrizal], 100
miles upon the road. The Santa Fe battalion,
Major Walker’s, joined us, making in all, nine
companies, with which we marched on to Chi-
huahua, in the unprecedented time of six days;
reached the city with the nine companies, but [here shifts to top of column 4]
the enemy under Gen. Trias, with his forces
some eight hundred strong, with principally Caval-
ry, had left some12 hours before with all the
public property, including a [blurred] of newer artil-
lery for the South. A few hours after our arri-
val at Chihuahua, we were put en route to over
take the enemy. Our forced march upon the
city exhausted a great many of our horses and
men and we set out for the South with skeletons
of nine companies, numbering in all about 300;
with this force, we kept our march in pursuit—
we made sixty miles march in about 12 hours,
and approached Santa Cruz at about sunrise,
where the enemy had already fortified himself,
his batteries fixed, and full and efficient dispo-
sition made for defence of the place, he having
reinforced himself to the number of about 1200
in all behind his barriers, also occupying the
church itself, a perfect fortification. As we
moved our column around the west of the city,
a nine pounder was discharged by the enemy,
passing our centre, when several of the compa-
nies of his infantry filed through the balcony,
ranging in order upon the church, a person sup-
posed to be a priest, harangued them, and the
surrounding populace, a part of which was
heard and distinctly understood, was replied to
by loud cheers by the soldiery, and the people
with many “vivas” “vivas” and vevar Re-
publicano Mexicano.”
An express was sent back to hurry on the
pieces, and the place was put under siege. We
permitted no communication with the place, al-
lowed omen and children and non-combat-
ants two days to leave the city with their ef-
fects, when our pickets were closed upon them.
The siege last from the 9th to the 16th.
Many attempts were made by parties of the
enemy during the siege o leave the town, but
few succeeded—now and then, a fleet horse
would out run our pickets and get to the moun-
tains. The third day of the siege, the com-
mander of one of the pickets, sent word to the
general that a number were escaping, which he
could not prevent, his picket was too small.
On the morning of the 16th, Lieut. Col. Lane,
arrived with artillery &C., and we received the
enemy’s invitation to come on. Our forces are
referred to the reports of Col Ralls and to Lt.
Col. Lane in this number, which detail their part
of the affair. The reports of Major Walker and
Beall would make this accout complete. Maj.
Walker’s command distinguished itself by
storming the South of the town while the dra-
goons acted well the part assigned them, and
Capt. Hassandeuebel [sic] and Lieut. Love, gallantly
managed their batteries the whole day, with
great science and skill.
The charge of Col Rall’s column was a spleen-
did affair. It moved like a thunder-bolt, pre-
cisely in the direction it was sent spreading dis-
may, death and destruction, and it was over this
column that Col Sanchez extended the flag of
surrender. It was a proud day for all, but for
those leading and directing this column, it was
particularly so, and Col Ralls in his report has
but rendered justice to his officers and men, and
that report does that commander distinguished
honor for the virtue of his head and heart.
An entire park of artillery was captured with
about 2,000 stand of arms and munitions, with
other public property to the value of seven to
eight hundred thousand dollars.
We captured the whole force, including thir-
ty commissioned officers, Gov. Maj. General
Trias at their head.
After the day had nearly expired we learned
that the place could only be carried by storm-
ing. The order to charge was given, and in
one hour’s time the city surrendered, our arms
as ever, victorious, adding another trophy to the
Fame of the great Republic we serve.
LIST OF THE KILLED AND WOUNDED. – 2d
Lieut. George O. Hepburn of Co. D, privates
Schafenberg and Bockman, co. B.
WOUNDED.—Private Ripper, Greff and De-
drich, co. B, Jackson, Kearnes, Williams and
Gillam, co. D.
We also understand by a private letter that a
young man by the name of Maston, commissa-
ry Sergent, start out from Santa Cruz, to meet
Love’s command, and has never since been
found or heard from, he is supposed to have been
killed.

RECRUITMENT ADVERTISEMENT

The New York Sun for March 13, 1855, featured the following advertisement:

Roster of Offiers 1858

Antebellum Infantry in California

Will Gorenfeld and George Stammerjohan
copyright April 5, 2008

Artill'ry at a distance play,
And troopers often clear the way—
A skirmish sharp, a pistol shot
The quick retreat in rapid trot;
The foe advances, light and free;
Who meets them now? The Infantry!
Though other corps are dear to me
Yet most I prize the Infantry.
The Infantry by Captain Barnard Bee (United States Infantry)

All too frequently, military historians are quick to dismiss the role played by the Infantry stationed in the antebellum West. They would give one the impression that the Infantry was simply relegated to garrison duty. This is not true. The "Dough Foots" were active participants in many battles: Live Oak Springs, Four Lakes, Ash Hollow, Fort Mohave, and Truckee River. In California, the mounted arm fought but few actions; the foot soldier, meanwhile, participated in nearly every battle and skirmish.
Antebellum California
With the conclusion of the United States-Mexican War in 1848, the U.S. had expanded its borders to the Pacific Ocean. This increase in territory would soon create major problems for the federal government. At the end of the war, the volunteers mustered out, and the regular Army reverted to its authorized pre-war strength of 10,310 soldiers. Once again the US Infantry consisted of eight regiments, numbering 4,464 men.
In 1848, there was stationed but a single company of 3d Artillery and five companies of Dragoons to protect the newly conquered territory of California. Their numbers were reduced further when quick riches to be made in the gold fields lured many of the $11.00 per month troopers to desert their camps.
The two senior officers in California, Brevet Major General Bennet Riley (of the 2d Infantry and Military Governor), and Brevet Major General Persifor F. Smith (Regiment of Mounted Rifles), found a way to decrease the number of desertions by moving their men to the western edge of the diggings. As long as camp duties were completed in the mornings, soldiers were allowed to prospect for gold work in the afternoon. Soldiers stationed at San Diego and Fort Yuma on the Colorado River were given 60-day furloughs to try their hands at mining. Most soldiers, after several weeks of mining the cold rivers of the Sierra Nevada and backbreaking work for a few dollars, quickly returned to their companies and desertion to the mines was dramatically reduced.
This was not an especially good time for the cutback of a strong military presence in California. How would a population of some 7,000 Californios, former citizens of Mexico, react to the change of governments? There were also unfounded rumors of civil unrest, riots, and Hispanic forces organizing on both sides of the international border, ready to drive the Yankees out of California.
And then there was California's Native American population. For years prior to the Mexican-American War, the Californios had been steadily losing parts of their domain to the native tribesmen who inhabited the interior regions of California. In some areas, it was dangerous for even an armed man to travel alone. Tribes such as the Yokuts and Miwoks had become highly accomplished raiders of livestock, routinely stealing stock from the sprawling ranches near the villages of Los Angeles, Santa Barbara, San Jose and San Luis Obispo.
With the discovery of gold, swarms of contentious settlers poured into the interior valleys and foothills where most Native Americans lived. Viewed as a hindrance to mining and ranching operations, the Golden State’s original inhabitants were often ruthlessly hunted, slaughtered, and enslaved; their economies disrupted, villagers driven from their homes, food sources destroyed.
Some scholars estimate that, prior to the Gold Rush, there were 100,000 Native Americans in California. By 1860, California's Native American population had declined to 32,000. This was the most monstrous destruction of any group of Native Americans in the history of the United States.
When the natives stole cattle in order to feed themselves or retaliated for the murder of tribesmen, settlers were quick to call for army protection. The military was repeatedly sent in to punish the Native Americans and keep them away from the settlers. Of these engagements, special agent J. Ross Browne would write, "The federal government, as is usual in cases where lives of valuable voters are at stake, was forced to interfere. Troops were sent out to aid the settlers in slaughtering the Indians."
But on other occasions, troops were detailed to protect the natives from vigilantes or militia groups. It was very confusing for everyone. An officer wrote: "Our Indian war is over for the present, and I do not think will be revived unless the whites commit more murders. The Indians look to us as their protectors. The stories that I have heard of the outrages perpetrated by the whites would be incredible were they not well vouched for. The Indians are naturally quiet and would continue so if left alone."
Most of the battles in California, from a military point of view, were minor skirmishes. For the starving and impoverished native peoples of California, however, these battles were devastating.
A typical skirmish involved Company G, of the 2d Infantry at Fort Miller. Two members of a Yokuts triblet were accused of stealing an ox from a settler in the vicinity of the town of Visalia. On December 8th of 1853, Lt. John Nugent departed the fort with a detachment of 14 men and marched south to the Yokuts village. The troops marched at night march through the foothills of the western Sierras, reaching the village at daybreak. Nugent reported that when they surprised the encampment at dawn's first light, "[t]he Indians were much frightened; nonetheless a few commenced shooting their arrows at the men. Their fire was promptly returned, killing two and wounding several others . . ."
The 2d Infantry: the first to serve in post-war California
The 2d U.S. Infantry was one of the last regiments of regulars to leave Mexico. The regiment had barely settled into its station at Fort Hamilton near New York City, when orders arrived directing that it be recruited up to strength. In the winter of 1848-1849, the 2d Infantry set sail for California, via Rio Janeiro, Cape Horn and Valparaiso.
By early summer of 1849, companies of the 2d Infantry were scattered about central California, along trails leading to the gold diggings or the entry into California. One company of the 2d was escorting Brevet Major Emory's survey of the California/Mexican border. The entire force in the department was estimated to be about 650 men.
In 1850, a company of the 2d Infantry, under the command of Captain Lovell, were garrisoned the Rancho Chino. This outpost, located a few miles east of Pueblo Los Angeles, was to prevent raids coming through Cajon Pass from the Mojave Desert. Some citizens may have been impressed enough with the uniform, but not with the 2d Infantry's alacrity. Years later, Los Angeles lawman Horace Bell recalled that the troops at Jurupa were "well-fed, clean shaved, white cotton-gloved, nicely dressed, lazy, fat fellows, who were seemingly happy and content on their $8.00 per month . . . They all, from Captain to Corporal, seemed resigned to a life of well-fed indolence. . . Every military collar at Jurupa must stand with the most mathematical uprightness; every button, every brogan, and every military tin cup, be burnished daily."
Ranger Bell, of course, loved to criticize the regulars and frequently spun exaggerated tale after tale of how his posse boldly chased down outlaws. In truth, Bell and his rangers spent much of their time holed up at the saloons of the Pueblo of Los Angeles in pursuit of liquid courage.
In May of 1850, Lieutenant and Brevet Captain Nathaniel Lyon marched a battalion of 2d Infantry along with a company of 1st Dragoons from Benicia Barracks to the northern shore of Clear Lake. Pomo tribesmen had killed a couple of disreputable white men who had been enslaving some of their people. Lyon was under orders to punish the tribes responsible for these murders. He did not bother to determine which was the guilty band and attacked the first Pomo village that he discovered.
The Pomos took refuge on an island surrounded by tules. Lyons sent his men wading across the marshy bog, cartridge boxes and muskets held over their heads as they reached the island. Firing at close range targets, the troops ruthlessly slew over a hundred men, women and children. Witnesses later claimed that the water of Clear Lake turned red. Thereafter, the land mass became known as "Bloody Island."
Marching to the headwaters of the Russian River, Captain Lyon's command cornered another band of Pomos in what he called a "perfect slaughter pen." Lyon confidently wrote that his men killed "not less than seventy-five, and have little doubt to nearly double that number."
In I851, witnessed the Antonio Garra uprising of desert tribes in Southern California. Joshua Bean of the California Militia sought to suppress this rebellion and complained to the Governor that Captain Lovell's troops at Rancho Jurupa "are unable to render any assistance, as they are not mounted nor have they suitable arms and are short of ammunition."
Indeed, these troops of the 2d were quite capable. While the erstwhile general contemplated his options within the safe confines of Los Angeles, part of the 2d Infantry led by Captain and Brevet Major Samuel Heintzleman marched swiftly across the lower Mojave Desert and, on December 20, 1851, killed two leaders of a band of Cahuillas in Los Coyotes Canyon and ended the uprising.
During the ensuing months, Heintzleman's hard-marching troops cris-crossed the parched sands of the Mohave, re-established Fort Yuma on the Colorado River, and engaged the Yuman tribe in a series of skirmishes.
In late 1853, the companies of the 2d in California were broken up. Officers and non-commissioned officers sailed east to reorganize the regiment. The enlisted men—most of whom had less than a year left in their enlistments--remained in California and were sent to serve with the other regiments stationed in the Department of the Pacific.
1851 Uniform Regulations: The French look.
Our army is a motley crew
In dress and armour, duties too,
And each and all I love to see--
But most I love the Infantry.

Those first infantry troops to arrive in California wore a uniform mostly unchanged from that worn during the Seminole and Mexican Wars: a powder blue shell jacket, with a high collar, trimmed in white, light blue kersey wool trousers, white buff belts, and a Model 1839 fatigue cap. Given that Army storehouses were filled to the brim with these uniforms and that the 1851 regulations allowed "articles of the old uniform already manufactured for enlisted men [to be] used until exhausted . . . altered, so far as practicable, to correspond with the new pattern," the quartermaster would continue to distribute them for years to come.
The 1850's would prove to be a period of experimentation in weaponry and uniform. In 1851, regulations for a uniform were prescribed for the entire army. The new attire would be based upon the French Army design of 1844: a dark blue frock coat that came down halfway to the knees with a single row of nine buttons. The coat's cuffs and collars were to match the color of the branch of service. On the front of the collar, in yellow metal and 1" in height, was the number of the regiment. On each shoulder of the infantryman, light blue worsted epaulettes were to be worn.
The branch color for the infantry was Saxony or light blue, replacing the white worn by infantry since the days of the Revolution. Under the 1851 Regulations, the cuffs, collar, pom pom, and epaulettes for the Infantry would be light blue. The light blue trousers had a 1/8" dark blue stripe.
The infantryman carried a black bridle leather cartridge box that was slung over his left shoulder by means of a black buff strap. Inside of the cartridge box were 40 paper wrapped cartridges. Attached to a black buff leather waist belt, measuring 1.5 inches wide and 38.5 inches long were a percussion cap pouch and a bayonet scabbard.
As for headgear, the army introduced a 6 1/2" tall, stiff shako of dark blue cloth, with a crown that slightly sloped forward, and topped off with a round pom pom. For infantry, the hat sported a light blue band. The ungainly hat was authorized for all purposes: full dress, fatigue, and campaign. Each soldier was to be issued seven hats during the course of his five-year enlistment.
The shako was not especially popular with the troops. A colonel wrote to the Adjutant General complaining that the new shako was entirely unsuitable for service, being heavy, hot, and painful to the head when used in the sun, wind, or at a rapid gait; incommodes the soldier in the use of his arms, as well as in all fatigue duties.
Some Infantry officers complained: "In the light infantry drill, even with the assistance of the chin strap, it has been found impossible to keep the cap properly on the head, and from the nature of material of which it is made, it soon becomes shapeless and unfitted for parade purposes." Resourceful soldiers would often remove the cardboard lining and thereby convert the ungainly shako into an early version of the kepi.
The regulations of 1851 Regulations notwithstanding, the troops stationed out West often were dressed in whatever clothes they were issued or purchased on their own. When Colonel Joseph Mansfield, Inspector General, toured the Department of the Pacific in 1854, he often failed to write in his reports how the troops were dressed. This would suggest that Mansfield ignoring the shabby and obsolete uniforms. Only at Ft. Redding, at the upper end of the Sacramento Valley, did he report that both the company from the 3d Artillery and the men from the 4th Infantry were properly dressed in the 1851 uniform.
Uniform regulations went completely by the board when the troops were in the field. One might find the troops wearing anything from blue checkered shirts to red bib-front miner's blouses. Sergeant Eugene Bandel of the Sixth Infantry described the typical uniform worn on campaign in 1857 as consisting of a broad brim hat, with white canvas trousers, and a woolen shirt worn on the outside like a coat.
A mule-mounted column of 2d Infantry under Brevet Major Henry W. Wessels, heading into the Sierras to the east of modern day Red Bluff appeared as "being one-well armed party of miners." When the observer got a closer look, he noticed that "those soldiers ain't got a bit of uniform except polished muskets." In 1857, a Southern California rancher spotted a detachment of 3d Artillerymen, walking across the beach on their way to Mission San Luis Rey "walking barefoot in the sand, their red flannel shirts unbuttoned and each wearing a Mexican straw hat."
Officers in antebellum California sometimes even incorporated Hispanic garb into their dress. While stationed in Southern California, Second Lieutenant Lieut. Caleb Smith of the 2d Infantry was described as wearing non-regulation Mexican style buckskin leggings (botas de cuerro), sombrero, sash, jangling spurs and calzoneros along with his regulation frock coat.
Mansfield noted that the troops at Ft. Humboldt had complained to him that the issue white flannel undershirt had shrinkage problems. He recommended that the troops be issued "coloured flannel [which] does not shrink."
Regulations of 1854: Brass shoulder scales for the Infantry
The regulations of 1854 called for the replacement of the light blue band on the hat and the light blue cuffs with thin welts. The new regulations also discarded the worsted epaulettes for dress substituting brass shoulder scales in their stead. Of course, it took nearly three years before most Infantry companies on the Pacific Coast received the 1854 uniform.
Often, the brass scales were never issued. Instead, the brass scales were left in a box under the Captain's bed, or were accidentally lost while an army supply wagon was crossing a river. Broken as well as complete sets of scales are often found by archaeologists in old fort trash pits.
The Model 1842 Musket: the Last of the Smoothbores?
The infantry was generally armed with the 1842 musket. This lengthy (57 13/16 inches) and heavy (9 pounds, 3 ounces) smoothbore arm, with its brightly burnished iron barrel, was the first U.S. musket to employ the use of percussion caps. It used a paper cartridge containing powder and a .63 caliber ball. The musket had an effective aimed range of just about eighty to a hundred yards.
The muskets lacked a rear sight: due to the windage between ball and barrel, aiming at a specific target was a useless act. Grant observed in his memoirs that in using such an arm, "you might fire at a man all day from a distance of 125 yards without him ever finding it out." It was, indeed, an unfortunate soldier who was stuck by a musket ball fired at him from a range of 125 yards.
In order to compensate for the musket's lack of accuracy, the men would load buck and ball: a .63 caliber ball and three .31 caliber buckshot. At close range, the musket became a deadly shotgun.
The Model 1842 is occasionally referred to as the last smoothbore arm issued to United States regulars. It wasn’t. Commencing in 1847, the Springfield Armory turned out the .69 calibre musketoon. This smoothbore weapon, a shortened and lighter form of musket, came in three versions: cavalry, sapper, and artillery. At least one company of the 2d Infantry in California was issued musketoons.
Some of the soldiers who served on the Pacific frontier carried the Model 1841 .54 calibre rifle. This weapon, about a foot shorter in length than the musket, was considered by many to be the finest rifle in any military. Because of the tight fit of the patched ball, it was slow to load—but deadly accurate when placed into the hands of a trained infantryman.
The Hazardous Journey of the 4th Infantry
Realizing that the 2d Infantry was not strong enough to garrison all of the critical points in California, the War Department sent the 4th Infantry to the Pacific Coast. On July 5, 1852, the 4th Infantry Regiment boarded the old steam ship Ohio and departed New York Harbor, bound for California by way of the Isthmus of Panama. During their trek across the Isthmus, a great many of the party contracted cholera. On August 18th, the Pacific Mail steamship Golden Gate, loaded with the sickly 4th Infantry, arrived in San Francisco Harbor. The regiment lost one hundred and seven men to cholera. Among the survivors was a 4th Infantry brevet captain by the name of Ulysses Grant.
The 9th Infantry: a new regiment for service on the West Coast.
In 1855, Congress authorized two new foot regiments, the 9th and 10th Infantry. The 9th was organized at Fortress Monroe, Virginia, and sailed for California in late 1855 and early 1856. Upon arrival on the West Coast, these men were detailed to the Pacific Northwest. Several companies were immediately in combat in the rain-flooded meadows east of modern Tacoma.
The uniform worn by the 9th Infantry had two distinct attributes. Its frock coat, with a short pleated skirt, was of a French design known as chasseur a pied. The men of the 9th also wore leather suspenders and a rifleman's belt with a plain double plate.
One interesting myth that has long be been held by many gun collectors is that the 9th Infantry arrived in California armed with the Model 1855 Harper's Ferry rifle. This is not so. (The only positively identified '55 rifle sent to the West Coast was received for testing at Fort Tejon, California, where the post butcher promptly appropriated it when he deserted.)
In fact, the 9th regiment sailed from Virginia unarmed. Moreover, the regiment departed for California two and a years before the M1855 rifle existed in sufficient numbers to be issued to any of the troops.
Upon arrival at Benicia Barracks, the 9th was issued Model 1841 Yaeger rifles. Colonel George Wright of the 9th declared the Yeager rifle "the best arm I have ever seen in the hands of a foot soldier." In 1858, these 1841 rifles were re-bored to fire the new government M-1855 cartridges. The barrels were turned down at the muzzle to take either a long-bladed sword bayonet or the M-1855 musket bayonet. (Since bayonets were rarely used or mentioned in Army reports, and the authors have not had the opportunity to examine "stoppages" against 9th Infantrymen, we cannot say which of the two bayonet types was issued.) In 1860, the 9th Infantry was rearmed with the .58 caliber M-1855 rifle musket.
The Terrifying Voyages of the Third Artillery

In late 1853, the 3d Artillery was alerted for transfer to California and to serve as infantry replacing the departing 2d Infantry. Recruiting was stepped up and the ranks were soon filled. A significant number of new recruits were teenagers fresh from the shores of Ireland, England, and Germany.
The troops were crammed aboard the steamer San Francisco that “departed New York on December 21, 1853, ‘... with light breeze from the southwest and clear weather.’ On December 24 the weather changed to a ‘... moderate breeze from the west ... and heavy rain towards evening.’ By midnight the weather was very heavy and the San Francisco had lost many sails.” Off of Cape Hatteras, the San Francisco steamed into a monstrous storm, in which "waves rolled mountain high." The steamer's engines failed, the ship wallowing helplessly in boiling seas. On the midmorning of December 29, 1853, a giant wave crashed over the upper deck, stripping everything from the deck—including a cabin in which some 200 artillerymen were sheltered.
When the first rescue boats reached the San Francisco, Colonel Gates quickly jumped aboard and abandoned his men. Following a court martial, he was shelved until 1861. The survivors, scattered around to ports in England, France, and the United States, were slowly gathered to re-organize the regiment.
This maritime disaster, coupled with the transfer of the 2d Infantry out of California, left General John Wool, commanding the Department of the Pacific, with a severe manpower shortage in his department. The 3d regiment was hurriedly recruited to strength, and in early 1854, four companies departed for California, only to run into another storm off of North Carolina. Their battered steamer eventually managed to limp into quiet waters of Hampton Roads on the Virginia peninsula.
Another ship, the Illinois, was sent. It would take the artillerymen to Panama. After crossing the Isthmus, they boarded the Oregon, which arrived in San Francisco on May 4, 1854. Meanwhile, two companies of the 3d Artillery, along with footsore recruits of the 1st Dragoons, marched overland, leaving Ft. Leavenworth in May of 1854. This column spent the winter in Salt Lake, and reached the West Coast in July of 1855.
Upon arrival, the various companies of the 3d were scattered about the west coast. Most of the troops of the "Marching 3d" were put to use as red-legged infantry.
In the spring of 1856, twenty-five men of Company K of the Third Artillery at Ft. Miller, under the command of 2d Lieutenant LaRhett Livingston, took to the field to suppress a war started by settlers. Angry over the theft of a cow, they had killed some Yokuts. The tribesmen retreated to a defensive position near the base of Battle Mountain and proceeded to defeat a band of volunteers who were bent upon the tribe’s destruction.
In the pre-dawn of May 13, 1856, Lt. Livingston climbed a nearby hillside and peered into the Yokuts encampment. Seeing that the position was not heavily defended and could be attacked on its flank, Livingston swiftly put his company into motion. Suddenly, a group of Yokuts rose from the underbrush and peppered the detachment with arrows. The arrows were deflected by the bushes and caused no serious injury to the troops. Without hesitation they leveled their muskets and fired. At point-blank range, the muskets, loaded with buckshot and ball, took a deadly toll upon the defenders. Livingston shouted, “Charge! Bayonets, forward!” The Yokuts hastily melted into the safety of the dense pine forests of the Sierra Range. Livingston reported twenty dead tribesmen. An unknown number of Yokuts would later die of wounds received in this battle. The emboldened volunteers looted and burned the Yokuts village.
The 1858 Uniform: Some New Headgear
General Order No. 3 for March 24, 1858, did away with the tall shako and replaced it with a tall, broad-brimmed felt hat in black. With its brim folded up on the left, a light blue braid ending in tassels circled around the crown, brass insignia attached to the front, and a debonair black ostrich feather placed on the right, the hat was not very practical for use in the field or on fatigue. A few months later, General Order number 13 authorized a fatigue cap in dark blue. This cap was essentially a floppy version of the 1851 shako with the stiff cardboard lining removed. It would soon evolve into the all-too familiar kepi of the Civil War. In 1858, the Quartermaster General began to issue a four-button fatigue jacket for all troops.
The Hard-Marching 6th Infantry
The last regiment of infantry to come to California before the Civil War was the 6th Infantry. Originally scheduled for Washington Territory, Colonel and Brevet Brigadier General Newman S. Clarke, the commanding officer of the 6th, convinced the War Department to divert the regiment to newly created Department of California—a department under the command of Colonel Clarke.
On the 21st of August 1858, the Sixth Infantry left camp near Fort Bridger, Utah Territory, and began its overland march to California. The regiment, and its two-mile column of 180 supply wagons and ambulances, crossed the Sierra Nevada range in October, often wading through knee-deep snow. On November 11th, with its flags flying and the band playing "Yankee Doodle" and "The Jordan is a Hard Road to Travel," the regiment paraded westward on J Street past the state Capitol.
The Infantry gets a New Weapon: the 1855 Rifle-Musket
While large numbers of the Model 1855 rifle musket had been issued in the summer of 1858 for the Spokane Plains expedition, few of these weapons had been seen by the public in California towns. A Sacramento Union reporter wrote that 6th regiment was "armed with the new [Model 1855] percussion cap rifled musket, with Maynard's patent primer attached." This .58 calibre weapon was the first regulation weapon to fire the minie bullet and had an effective range of over 1,000 yards.
There is little question that the 1855 rifled musket was a marked improvement over the 1842 musket. The touted Maynard primer system, however, was hardly a blessing. The Maynard taped primer worked like a child's toy cap pistol. A paper roll, containing bits of fulminate of mercury as primer, was placed in a chamber just below the hammer. The tape was mechanically fed under the hammer each time that the hammer was cocked. When the hammer dropped, the fulminate would be detonated and the paper cut away. This system had been first been tested in 1849 on muskets supplied to the Infantry by the firm of Daniel Nippes.
The concept was sound enough for those in Ordnance who tested it at the Washington D.C. armory. The primer compartment was not sealed. When the primer tape was exposed to wet weather, however, the entire tape could be ruined by dampness. In the hotter climes, the tape became brittle and would easily tear. Inspector General Joseph Johnston, in 1859, observed troops firing the rifle musket and reported "at least half misfired, sometimes from defective machinery, others by the fault of the [taped] primer itself."
The Final Battles
As the 6th Infantry tried to settle in after their long journey from Utah, a campaign was brewing in the desert. The Mojave tribe regarded travelers on Edward Beale's new road to be trespassers and driven off mail trains and killed immigrants. Elements of the 6th Infantry were ordered by General Clarke to protect to the travelers.
On the morning of February 11, 1859, four companies of the 6th boarded the creaky wooden side-wheeled steamer Uncle Sam. The ship sailed through the Golden Gate and turned south. Off of Point Ano Nuevo, it plowed into a severe Pacific storm. The bilge pumps stopped working and the Uncle Sam began to take on water.
In order to save the ship, overboard went the coal, soon followed by all of the baggage of the four companies along with 320 new M-1855 rifle muskets. As the ship continued to founder, the men turned their attention to the mules. These durable creatures, which had walked to California from Ft. Leavenworth, showed no interest in being dumped into the foamy sea and fought efforts to cast them overboard. As the battle of the mules was beginning, the storm broke, and the Uncle Sam was able to sail back to the repair yards.
The 6th Infantry requested replacement 1855 muskets. The arsenal at Benicia was slow to issue the new weaponry. There was an ample supply, however, of altered Springfield 1816 Type III smoothbore muskets and these aged weapons were issued to many of the troops.
Colonel Joseph Mansfield was again inspecting California as the Mojave campaign was being organized at Fort Yuma. He was astonished at the bewildering array of clothing, equipment, and weaponry. Due to the heat most of the men were in lightweight civilian shirts. But the troops looked hardy, ready for a long march and a tough campaign.
On August 5, 1859, Companies F and I, under the command of Major Lewis Armistead, took part in a fight with the Mohaves twelve miles south of the post. In this battle, the long-ranged 1855 Muskets proved their value in this long-range firefight. Major Armisted reported that, because of the dry desert weather, the Maynard primers worked well.
The twenty-three reported Mohave dead were among the first Americans to suffer from the powerful firepower of modern infantry weaponry. In less than two years' time, tens of thousands back east would, likewise, experience the deadly effects of rifled weapons.
There would be several more infantry actions out in the far west: in the northern Redwoods; along the Pit River in north central California; on the shores of the Pyramid Lake in Nevada Territory; and patrols against horse thieves southeast of San Diego.
Soon after the firing upon Ft. Sumter, orders from the War Department began to arrive in the Department of California directing the scattered infantry companies, stationed in the interior, to concentrate on the coast for embarkation. By the end of 1861, the 4th and 6th Infantry as well as the 1st Dragoons and most of the Third Artillery, would be on their way to fight a greater war in the East. Only the 9th Infantry remained behind in San Francisco where it, along with a company of the 3d Artillery, took up positions guarding that important harbor for the duration of the Civil War.
SIDE BARS
Lt. Crook's Sunken Rifle-Muskets
In 1858, Lt. George Crook's Company D of 4th Infantry was stationed six miles up the Klamath River at Fort Terwaw. Crook's troops were armed with .69 caliber 1816 muskets. Ordnance artisans at Benicia Arsenal to use percussion primers, have rear sights added, and given shallow rifling had converted these weapons, leftovers from the Mexican War. During the campaign against the Spokane Indians, the men of Company D effectively used these muskets.
When the company returned to Fort Terwaw, Lt. Crook was ordered to requisition Model 1855 Rifle Muskets for his troops. A few months' later, four sealed crates of the M-1855 Rifle Muskets reached the dock at Crescent City, California.
These crates were transferred to a large whaleboat which set sail south to the Klamath River. As it broached the river's tidal bar, the boat capsized, dumping eighty muskets and other equipment into the ocean. None of it was ever recovered. Several months later, the army hired local Native American fishermen to navigate the tidal bar and Company D got its new muskets.
Stoppages
Every two months, the troops would be called for muster. The muster consisted of roll calls, inspections, and possibly a pass in review. If the paymaster arrived, not always a sure thing, the troops were then paid.
Regardless of whether or not they were paid, the muster roll had to be prepared. In these documents, the company clerk would record, among other things, stoppages—i.e., the amount that would be offset against the soldier's pay for stolen, lost or damaged equipment. The notations for stoppages are useful for the researcher to determine what equipment a particular company was issued. Listed below are the amounts that would be charged, per General Order No. 14 (December 9, 1859), for lost or damaged articles of clothing:
Coat $1.88
Forage cap .85
Dress hat .75
Feather .19
Cord and tassel .16
Bugle insignia .05
Company letter .05
Regimental number .05

______________________________________

Footnotes

Dolph, E. A., Sound Off (NY: Cosmopolitan Books 1929), p. 325; Bee’s untitled poem with matching illustrations may be found at the Special Collections’ Mexican War Collection of the University of Texas at Arlington (http://libraries.uta.edu/SpecColl/crose02/beepoem.htm).
Message of the President, Report of the Adjutant General, November 28, 1849, Ex. Doc. No. 5, p. 188a.
During the first eight months of 1849, over 40% of the 1,200 regular troops stationed in California deserted. (Message of the President (31st Congress 1st Session 1849, Ex. Doc. 5) Report of the Secretary of War, November 30, 1849 Ex Doc. No. 5); Message of the President (31st Congress 1st Session 1850 Ex Doc. No. 17), Sec. War George W. Crawford to Gen. Persifor Smith, April 3, 1849, p. 273; Col. R, B. Mason to Adj. Gen. Roger Jones, August 17, 1848, p. 533.
Message of the President (31st Congress 1st Session 1849, Ex. Doc. 5) Report of the Secretary of War, November 30, 1849, p. 90.
Message of the President (31st Congress 1st Session 1850 Ex Doc. No. 17), Gen. B. Riley to A.A.A. Gen. W. T. Sherman, April 16, 1849, pp. 899-900.
Message of the President (31st Congress 1st Session 1850 Ex Doc. No. 17), Gen. B. Riley to Gen. R. Jones, April 25, 1849, pp. 874-876.
Sherburne Cook, The Conflict Between the California Indian and White Civilization (Berkeley: University of California Press 1976), p. 4.
Albert Hurtado, Indian Survival on the California Frontier (New Haven, Yale University Press 1988), p. 194.
J. Ross Browne to James Guthrie, May 20, 1856 (reports rec’d, Secy. Of Treasury, 1854-1856) National Archives microfilm 177, roll 1, p. 347.
Captain John Gardiner to Frederick Gardner, July 13, 1856. John Gardiner letters at Fort Tejon State Park.
Sacramento Daily Democratic State Journal, January 5, 1854.
Ibid.
Rodenbough, Theo The Army of the United States (Reprinted New York: Argonaut Press 1966) 422.
Special Order #67, July 12, 1848; Persifor F. Smith to Roger Jones, May 21, 1849, California and New Mexico, 31 Cong., 1 Sess., Exec. Doc. 17, 740; Niles National Register, Vol. LXXIV, no. 1913, September 27, 1848.
Ibid, Gen. Bennet Riley to Gen. Roger Jones, June 11, 1849; Asst. Adj. Gen. E. R. S. Canby to Capt. William H. Emory, June 30, 1849, 916, 924.
Ibid, Gen. B. Riley to Gen. R. Jones, April 25, 1849, 873.
Ibid, Gen. B. Riley to Col. W.G. Freeman, A.A. Gen., August 30, 1849, p. 938.
Census of the City and County of Los Angeles, California for the Year 1850 (LA: The Times-Mirror Press 1929) p. 97.
Bell, Reminiscences of a Ranger (reprinted by Univ. Of Oklahoma, 1999), p. 164.
Message from the President of the United States to the Two Houses of Congress, Part II (31st Congress, 2nd Session, Ex, Doc. No. 1) Nathaniel Lyons to E.R.S. Canby, May 22, 1850, p. 81.
Ibid, at p. 82.
Hurtado, supra, at p. 105-106
Message from the President, supra, Lyons to Canby, p. 82.
George Harwood Phillips, Chiefs and Challengers (Berkeley, University of California Press 1975) pp. 92-94.)
Special Order No. 7, November 7, 1853, National Archives RG 94; Rodenbough, supra, p. 422..
Bee, supra; see footnote 1.
Todd, supra, p. 380.
General Orders No. 31, June 12, 1851.
Todd, supra, p. 380.
Ordnance Manual (Wash. D.C., Gideon & Co. Press 1850), p. 201.
Col. T.T. Fauntleroy to Col. Cooper, 30 October 1854, quoted in Edgar M. Howell and Donald E. Kloster, United States Army Headgear to 1854 (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Unstitution Press 1969), p. 67, fn. 204.
H. Dean Guie, Bugles in the Valley (Oregon Historical Society 1977) p. 26.
Mansfield, On the Condition of Western Forts 1853-54 (Norman: Univ. Okla. Press 1963), 160.
Bandel, Eugene, Frontier Life in the Army 1854-61 (Glendale, Arthur H. Clark, 1932), p. 128.
Bell, supra, at p. 164.
Mansfield, supra, 162.
Todd, supra, at pp. 115-117.
Reilly, Robert, United States Military Small Arms 1816-1865 (Highland Park, N.J., Eagle Press, 1970), p. 14.
Ulysses Grant, Personal Memories (New York: Charles L. Webster & Company, 1885–86), p. 60 .
U.S. Army, Ordnance Manual, supra, at pp. 244-247.
Woodward, Arthur, Journal of Lt. Thomas W. Sweeney (Westernlore Press, Los Angeles 1956), p. 147.
Reily, supra, p. 33.
Grant, supra, p. 117.
Grant, supra, p. 119; Ellington, Charles, The Trial of U.S. Grant (Glendale, Cal., Arthur H. Clarke Co. 1987) 60-66; Rodenbough, supra, 461.
Rodenbough, supra, p. 526.
Todd, Frederick, American Military Equipage Vol. II (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons 1980), pp. 382-83.
New York Daily Times, January 14, 1854.
New York Daily Times, February 10, 1854
Special Order, No. 17, Jan. 27, 1854. “By direction of the President of the United States, a Court of Inquiry will convene in the City of New York, on Monday, the 6th of February, 1854, or as soon thereafter as practicable, to examine into all the circumstances attending the embarkation, in December last, of the troops under the command of Col. William Gates, Third Artillery, on board the steamer San Francisco destined for California; the cause of the failure of the expedition, and the disorganization of the command at sea; and all facts and circumstances which may concern the conduct of the commander, and of the officers and men of the command.”
As of December of 1854, there were 1,365 officers and men stationed in the Department of the Pacific. (Message from the President of the United States to the Two Houses of Congress, Part II (33rd Congress, 2nd Session, Ex, Doc. No. 1) Report of the Secretary of War, December 4, 1854, p. 6.)
Ibid, p. 3.
San Francisco Daily Alta California, May 5, 1854.
Message from the President of the United States to the Two Houses of Congress (33rd Congress, 2nd Session 1854), supra, p. 3.
San Francisco Bulletin, May 16, 1856.
Los Angeles Star, May 10, 1856.
San Francisco Bulletin, May 23, 1856.

San Francisco Bulletin, May 16, 1856.
Todd, supra, at pp. 62-64.
Ibid, at pp. 65-66.
In April of 1859, Quartermaster General Thomas Jessup ordered that all remaining stocks of shakos be issued as forage caps. (Howell and Kloster, supra, at p. 67.)
Todd, supra, at pp. 57 and 383.
Swanson, Clifford, The Sixth United States Infantry Regiment, 1855 to Reconstruction (Jefferson, N.C., McFarland & Co. 2001), p.22.
Ibid; Sacramento Daily Bee, November 11, 1858.
Sacramento Union, November 12, 1858.
Riley, supra, p. 22.
Jerry Thompson, Texas and New Mexico on the Eve of the Civil War (Albuquerque, University of New Mexico Press 2001), p. 54.
Swanson, supra, p. 32.
Message of the President (36th Congress, 1st Session 1860) Volume II, p. 415.
Swanson, supra, p. 43.
Ibid, p. 419.

The Banshee's Lonely Croon: Irish Dragoons

Irish troopers, who formed the backbone of the 1st Dragoons, were generally recent arrivals from Erin's green shores. In the old country, these men, mostly of peasant stock, had been steeped in the lore of the realm of the supernatural. There was the "Evil Eye", a silent, fixed stare that was believed to be fatal if cast upon one sitting before a fire while the moon was full. A person who wished to avoid being falsely accused of casting an "Evil Eye" would say "God Bless You" when looking at another. A grudger had the ability to fix an evil curse upon one's horse. The only known cure was to burn the grudger's coat under the nose of the afflicted animal. The banshee's lonely croon warned of an imminent death in one's family. A horse with one foreleg and one hind leg stockinged was considered to bring bad luck to the rider. Riding a dead man's horse was considered by the Irish to be a bad idea and, indeed proved to be for Trooper John Garven, late of County Tipperary, Ireland.

During the autumn of 1855, Capt. E.A. Townsend visited Fort Tejon, California, in the company of Bishop Kip. In his journal, Capt. Townsend made the following entry: "Before breakfast this morning, the Bishop buried an Irish soldier of [John] Gardiner's company [A]. He was the victim of superstition. He happened, by chance, to be the first man to ride Lieut. [Thomas] Castor's horse after his death, and being soon taken sick with fever, his wife persuaded him that he could never recover because he was the first to ride a dead man's horse. The surgeon says there was no reason why the man should have died if his mind had not been so depressed."

In Irish folklore, the last corpse planted in a grave yard is required to stand guard over the site until the next corpse was buried. On October 15, 1855, in the post cemetery at Fort Tejon, Trooper Garven duly duly reported to relieve the recently departed Lieut. Castor from guard duty.

The Civil War witnessed some amazing innovations in modern warfare such as the railroad, submarines, observation balloons and the telegraph. While not as successful as some of these inventions, James "Paddy" Graydon’s plan to deploy exploding mules on the battlefield receives high marks for its originality.

Graydon sailed into Baltimore Harbor in 1853. As was the case for many a lad fleeing from Erin’s green shores, Paddy quickly discovered “no Irish need reply.” Out of work, he enlisted in the 1st U.S. Dragoons. Sent to the harsh reaches of New Mexico Territory, Paddy soon became the bugler in Captain Richard S. Ewell’s troop. When the Civil War came, Ewell resigned his federal commission and became a Confederate General. Paddy, who had been honorably discharged from the Army in 1858 and had opened a saloon near Fort Buchanan, headed for Santa Fe where he gained a captain’s commission in the New Mexico Volunteers.

Graydon, who spoke fluent Spanish, recruited a company composed of Nuevo Mexicanos, who functioned as an independent command. Its primary function was to watch for invading Texian troops riding out of El Paso. They did not have to look for long. On July 25, 1861, a Confederate expedition under General Henry Hopkins Sibley, a former Dragoon officer, entered New Mexico and proceeded to capture Fort Fillmore without having to fire a shot. The Rebel juggernaut steamrolled all Union resistance in its path and advanced up the Rio Grande Valley bound for Santa Fe and points west.

During the ensuing months, Graydon's scouts remained in the saddle, spying on the Rebel column and harassing it when the opportunity presented itself. On February 19, 1862, Sibley’s troops
approached Ft. Craig. While the invaders slept in their camp across the Rio Grande, the inventive Graydon embarked upon a scheme to stop the Rebel advance in its tracks. He selected two mules that had been ridden too hard and put away wet. Paddy affixed several boxes of exploding cannon shells to the mules and led them across the river. Easing silently past the sentries, he reached the outskirts of the camp. Graydon lit the fuses of the cannon shells and set the mules into motion toward the camp of the sleeping Texians. So far, so good.

As Paddy was heading back across the river he heard a rustling sound in the sage that was fast approaching from the rear—it was the two mules. Graydon spurred his horse down the banks and into the river with the mules trotting fast behind with their fuses fast burning. Suddenly there came the great roar of an artillery battery. Not exactly a battery, but in a sense this is pretty much what it sounded like. The Rebels jolted out of their blankets sprang to arms and ran in every which direction. So did their horses and mules. Many of these critters ended up in Yankee hands.

Alas, these late night antics did not hamper the fighting abilities of Sibley's forces. As General Sibley lay in a drunken stupor, his forces flanked the Yankees at Val Verde and forced them back into their fort. The Rebels continued their march up the valley, capturing Albuquerque and Santa Fe in the process. Once again Grayon’s company, minus two mules, rendered valuable service as it scouted and raiding the Rebel column.

Sibley eventually met his Waterloo at Glorieta Pass on March 26-28, 1862. As his defeated and worn troops retreated back to Texas they were repeatedly raided by Graydon’s pesky troop. Paddy Graydon exited the stage in few months later when he was killed in a frontier duel with an army surgeon.

DESERTION

New York Times November 16, 1859, reported:


From the Arizonian, Oct. 27

On the 14th inst. Corporal GORMAN, and Private CAULFIELD, of G’s Company, 1st Dragoons, deserted from Fort Buchanan, while out in charge of the Fort herd, taking with them three horses, arms and accoutrements, and fled into the State of Sonora, where they met with a reception very different from that which they expected. Some thirty-six hours after their flight they were pursued by the indefatigable Arizonian “Vidocq” JAMES GRAYDON, of Casa Blanco, and overtaken after a hard chase, at Barajito, Sonora. It appears that these misguided men employed some Mexicans to guide them down towards Guaymas, who, in a lonely part of the highway, fell upon and robbed them. One of the robbers snatched GORMAN’s pistol and discharged its contents at his head, the ball passing through his hat, which sent him to the “right about double quick time,” leaving his companion, who was less fortunate, in the hands of the highwaymen. When CAUFIELD was again discovered, he was found hanging to a mesquoite [sic] tree, suspended by means of his own pocket-kerchief, and it is supposed he may have been driven, by his forlorn and desperate condition, to self destruction, as the thieves had plundered him of his horse and everything about him. GORMAN and his horse were recovered and brought back to the Fort by his pursuers, after a hard ride of nearly three hundred miles, performed in sixty hours. This is another sad illustration of the kind of sympathy which Americans will receive in Mexico, as long as barbarous retaliation is the “order of the day” on both sides of the boundary line.

On the 16th, a party of twenty-five dragoons were sent from sent from Fort Buchanan to protect the inhabitants of Tubac and its vicinity, against an imaginary attack from the Apaches, who were reported to be marching in incredibly large numbers for the purpose of “cleaning out” the valley of Santa Cruz. At last accounts, the wolf had not arrived, and the presence of troops allaying the fears of those who were stampeded by this silly canard.

Tom Castor: A Newly Minted 2d Lieutenant

PRO BONO PUBLICO:
1st Lieut. Thomas Castor


Benny Havens ran a tavern that was located about a mile and one-half from the cadet barracks at the United States Military Academy in West Point, New York. The saloon quickly became a favorite haunt for generations of cadets. Cadet Edgar Allan Poe wrote that Benny was “the sole congenial soul in the entire God forsaken place.” In 1838, a couple of appreciative young officers, borrowing the Irish tune known as the Wearing of the Green (also known as The Rising of the Moon), composed some verse to honor Benny Havens. The first verse went as follows:
“Come fill your glasses, fellows, and stand up in a row,
To singing sentimentally we’re going for to go;
In the army there’s sobriety, promotion’s very slow;
So we’ll sing our reminiscences of Benny Havens, Oh!
Chorus:
Oh! Benny havens, Oh! Oh! Benny Havens, Oh!
We’ll sing our reminiscences of Benny Havens, Oh!”

The song soon became quite popular among officers. During the ensuing years, many a new verse was added as cadets carried the song with them from the dismal Everglades to Buena Vista’s barren plain and then out to the foothills of California’s Motherlode.
Thomas Foster Castor entered West Point in 1841. His classmates, a rather notable group, included the likes of George McClelland, Thomas Jackson, A.P. Hill, George Crook and George Pickett. The latter cadet seems to have become “addicted to Benny’s enticements.” During the years of Cadet Castor’s stay at the Academy it is likely that he also frequently slipped out of the barracks to partake in a glass of hard cider and join in the good cheer at Benny Haven’s public house.
“Let us toast our foster-father, the Republic, as you know,
Who in the paths of science taught us upward for to go;
And the maidens of our native land, whose cheeks like roses glow,
They’re oft remembered in our cups at Benny Havens, Oh!”

Upon graduation in 1846, Castor was posted to Fort Columbus in New York Harbor. Here is a copy of letter that a freshly minted brevet 2d Lieutenant Castor wrote to the folks back home in Pennsylvania.

Fort Columbus, 3 Sept. 1846

To Mrs. George Castor, Frankford, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania:

Dear Grandmother:

Well here I am snugly fixed on the Island. I arrived in N. York on Tuesday about 2 o'clock and reported myself for duty about 5 on the same day. I was attached to the dragoon recruits now here under the command of Lieut. Sibley. I have nothing to do but to superintend the drills and roll-calls, inspect their rations and keep them in order generally. I suppose that it will afford you a great deal of pleasure to hear that we will probably not sail for a month yet and very likely not that soon. Mr. Sibley told me that he would propose to the Captain when he arrived to take the company from here to Carlisle, mount it there and after drilling it for some time take it down to Mexico by land. if this obtains I would not be surprised if we did not leave this part of the country until November. And if the reports which have just been received prove true (viz. that private advices have been received that the war is over) we will very likely not go to Texas at all. Aunt Eliza I know will clap her hands at this news notwithstanding it cuts me out of all chance of distinguishing myself. I have been so lucky as to get quarters with one of my classmates who has been here for some time and we have to rooms carpeted with tables, sofa, beds, looking glasses and everything complete. To day I am Officer of the Day and it would make you laugh to see me strutting around with my sash and sabre followed all day by an orderly at a respectful distance and having Captains and old Lieuts. asking permission to have boats etc. The Officer of the Day being you know second in command for the time being. I am very well pleased with the post so much as I know of it. The officers are very clever and the society I am told is very good.

I had the blues going up the river and indeed the whole day after I left home. I waved my handkerchief as I passed our house but I suppose it was so foggy you did not see it as I could see none waved in return. Please tell me in your answer how Aunt Eliza and [Bud?] got home and particularly how Josephine is. I was afraid when I left that she would have a spell of sickness. How did she get through wit her teeth, how much did they cost and every thing. you must tell me all. I hope you have gotten over your troubles on account of my departure and if you have not I say you must!!

Yesterday about 700 troops sailed from here for Pt. Isabel. Poor fellows they were glad to get off but many a soldiers wife who was left behind went sorrowing to her home. If there are any letters at home for me please send them on directed to Ft. Columbus, Governors Island, N.Y. I am getting over my home sickness and am in good health. Please write very soon and tell all that has occurred since I left home, and everything that would be of any interest to me. Give my love to Aunts Liz and Buts [?] and take it yourself. I am going to write to all in succession? as I promised and I hope that nobody will fail to write me a long long answer. You dear grandmother must get Buts [?] to write for you. It is near 11 o'clock so good night dear Grandmother and I hope that you will not forget.

Your affectionate grandson

On 6 December 1846, Castor gained a permanent commission as 2d Lt. with the 1st Dragoons and campaigned in Mexico with the regiment, from the siege of Vera Cruz into the Valley of Mexico through the capture of Mexico City. While in Mexico he became quite ill and began to drink heavily. There may not have been much sobriety, but promotion came slow: Castor did not become a First Lieutenant until 1851. Following the war Castor was posted to Forts Snelling and Ripley, Minnesota. On 9 October 1851. While stationed at Fort Lane in Oregon he participated in a skirmish on the Illinois River on 24 October 1853. The next year Lt. Castor was sent to Fort Miller in California with Company A. Later that year he was ordered to start construction on what became Fort Tejon. Castor's drinking and ill health continued to rack his body. In August of 1854, Castor led the first troops to the proposed site of Fort Tejon. The rigors of years of hard campaigning, and the effects of hard drinking, had taken their toll on the Lieutenant. Castor had a bout with tuberculosis and was seriously ill during his posting at Fort Tejon. On September 8, 1855, he died.

“To our kind old Alma Mater, our rock-bound Highland home,
We’ll cast back many a fond regret as o’er life’s sea we roam;
Until on our last battlefield, the lights of heaven shall glow,
We’ll never fail to drink to her and Benny Havens, Oh!”

His remains were ceremoniously buried under the spreading oaks that dot the landscape behind the Lebeck Oak. Fellow officers bought a marble headstone and an iron fence to honor their fallen comrade. Some years later, the fence and marble grave stone were moved to the site of the old post cemetery. As a consequence, no memorial marks final resting place of Lt. Castor.

“To our comrades who have fallen, one cup before we go,
They poured their life-blood freely our pro bono publico.
No marble points the stranger to where they rest below;
They lie neglected far away from Benny Havens, Oh!”

Finis

Captured Mexican Items at Santa Cruz de Rosales

City of Chihuahua
March 26, 1848


The Board met pursuant to the foregoing orders, and soon after the
reception of the captured property, as was practicable, and up to the
present time have been busy in assorting and taking inventories of
said property, which they find to be as follows (incl.(?) accompanying
list or inventory as marked "A").

All the large guns are more or less injured by firing, and some of
them badly cast, full of flaws and honeycombs. The majority of the
muskets and escopetas are in bad order, broken locks and stocks, bent
barrels &c. Three of the muskets are very much injured in the stock
by shot, or shell, of one, the entire stock is gone. The muskets, and
in fact all of the cartridges, are badly made, and only valuable for
the amount of powder they contain. The shells, strap shot, balls, and
canister, are as a general thing very badly made and would be apt to
greatly damage a good piece if fired from one.

One reference to the list, it will be found that there are
eleven large boxes of powder, this is supposed to be for cannons, as
also the five bags. Ten of the kegs contain very fine powder,
supposed to be for rifles, and the remainder for muskets. Having no
means to ascertain the weight, the amount in bulk only is first put
down as it appeared before the Board.

The horses are all small, poor, and weak, and many of the mules are
equally in as bad condition, none of them being fit for present use,
and scarcely any will ever be capable of hard service.

The saddles are of Spanish pattern and much out of order in their
present state worthless.

Of the drums, three are without heads or have but one, and the others
are so heavy and unwieldy as to be almost or quite unserviceable.

The articles, not having (sic) innumerated, are generally
in very good condition, and might, if necessary, be put to immediate
use.

The above is respectfully submitted as a report of the proceedings of
the Board, which, having no further business before it, adjourns sin
die.

B.L. Beall,
Major 1st Dragoons




"A"

A LIST OF ORDNANCE STORES &c. TAKEN AT THE SIEGE OF SANTA CRUZ DE
ROSALES, MEXICO, MARCH 16, 1848

2 Two 32-Lb. Brass Howitzers

1 One 10-Lb. Brass Cannon by Measurement

1 One 8-Lb. " " " "

1 One 4-Lb. " " " "

2 Three Swivels

7 Seven Wall Pieces

1 One Double-Barrel Wall Piece

392 Three Hundred and Ninety-Two Muskets

281 Two Hundred and Eighty-One Musket Bayonets

99 Ninety-Nine Cartridge Boxes & Belts

80 Eighty Escopetas

27 Twenty-Seven Service Rifles

78 Pistols

35 Sabres

122 One Hundred and Twenty-Two Lances Complete

142 One Hundred and Forty-Two Lance Heads and Ferrules

150 ________ Lance Straps

145 Shafts for Lances

6 Six Wipers for Wall Pieces

11 Eleven Large Boxes of Powder

23 Twenty-Three Kegs of Powder

5 Five Bags of Powder

58 Fifty-Eight Cartridges for 32-Lb. Howitzer

72 Seventy-Two Cartridges for 9-Lb. Gun

2600 Twenty-Six Hundred Musket Cartridges

7 Seven Bunches Signal Rockets

9 Nine 32 Lb Grenades

9 Nine 24 lb Shells

4 Four 32 lb Shells

75 Seventy-Five 4 lb Shells

7 Seven 3 lb Strap Shot

24 Twenty-Four 6 lb Strap Shot

4 Four 12 lb Strap Shot

103 One-Hundred and Three 4lb Balls

50 Fifty 3 lb Balls

76 Seventy-Six Cases 32 lb Canister

116 One-Hundred Sixteen Cases 3 lb Canister

1 One Lot Canister for Wall Piece

1 One Lot Balls for Wall Piece

1 One Lot Musket Balls

1 One Ten Ball Roller

10 Ten Bullet Molds

7 Seven Rifle Locks

1 One Lot Gun Flints

11 Eleven Sponges

2 Two Worms

6 Six Hand Spikes

1 One Treatment Scale


A List of Quarter Master Property Captured at the Siege of Santa Cruz
de Rosales, Mexico, March 16th 1848.

98 Ninety-Eight Horses

66 Sixty-Six Mules

7 Seven Wagons

52 Sets of Harnesses, four collars wanting

9 Nine Pack Saddles

35 Thirty-Five Spanish Bridle Bits

32 Thirty-Two Sets Spanish Saddle Rigging

1 One Bulk " " "

35 Thirty-Five Buckles

7 Seven [Screw} Drivers

43 Forty-Three Files

8 Eight Hammers

4 Four Vices

2 Two Wrenches

1 One Grinding Stone

65 Sixty-Five Edge Tools

13 Thirteen Augers

18 Eighteen Saws

3 Three Screw Plates

2 Two Anvils

10 Ten Pounds Rod Steel

2 Two Boxes Tin

2 Two Boxes Shoes

8 Eight Boxes Blue Clothe

1 Lot Printing Type

1 Lot Duct Parts

1 Lot Rosin

2 Lots Steel Yards

12 Twelve Empty Boxes

11 Eleven Boxes Cigarilos

Lt. David Bell's Letter

In 1854, Lt. David Bell, of the 2d Dragoons had engaged in several skirmishes with the Utes and Jicarilla Apaches. When he heard of the attempts to cover up Lt. John Davidson's defeat at Cieneguilla, Bell could not remain contain himself any longer and wrote the following letter to a West Point classmate.

In 1855, a furious Davidson asked for and received a Court of Inquiry which whitewashed his defeat. Recent archaeological studies performed by David Johnson of the US Forest Service have pretty much vindicated many of Lt. Bell's claims.


Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas Territory
December 27th, 1854

Dear William [Lt. Robert Williams]:

The mail from N.M. arrived here two days since and I was truly gratified to hear from you. The mail was delayed several days, as the contractors have succeeded in disproving one of the received axioms of geometry, namely that “a straight line is the shortest distance between two points,” and consequently instead of bringing our mail direct from Independence, they cross the river at Liberty to go to Weston and proceed to this place. As the ice has been running in the river for some days, they were unable to do this and I finally sent a sergeant for the mail and got it after being made annoyed by a delay of several days.

You speak of Lieut. J.W. Davidson of your Regt. and his course and situation to his fight &c. Now as Davidson is an officer of your Regiment, I am perfectly willing that he should see anything I write about him and if you think proper, I am perfectly willing you should show him any letter, for I would scorn to say behind his back that I would not report to himself, and indicate in the proper manner, as this is a subject affecting a member of your Regiment. I will give you my opinion in full, which however you will find to be that of officers at your own post.

On the evening of the 21st of March, Lieut. Davidson at Fort Union from Taos (?) where he had left his Company and reported to Col. Cooke for instructions. I was present when he arrived, and afterwards during several conversations between him and Col. Cooke in relation to the Indians, their mode of and ability for war &c. Col. Cooke and myself occupied the same house, and Lieut. D was our guest. He stated that on his way from Cantonment Burgwin to Fort Union, where he had been ordered by Col. Cooke, he met the Apaches in a canyon between the former place and Moro, that he had halted his command and, with Col. Brooks, had a talk with them; he described them as being overwhelmed with fear and protesting that they desired peace, stating also that he had made advantageous dispositions for battle in case they exhibited any signs of insolence or hostility. He also commented upon the miserable quality of their arms, and their mean, shrinking deportment, at the same time averring that he was sorry they did not show some signs of hostility, for that if they had, he would have “wiped them out”. In the same conversation, he stated that the number of warriors counted at the time amounted to one hundred and seven. When informed that these same Indians had, two weeks previously, when attacked by a command of Dragoons, evinced anything but a cowardly spirit; he reiterated his assertion, for rather brash, as to what he could do with them. On the 22nd instant, I went on a scout down the Canadian and across to Anton Chico, and returned to Fort Union on the 29th. Lieuts. Sturgis and Moore, who left Ft. U. on the 21st and kept further to the east, returned on the 30th. On the 31st an express arrived at Ft. U. from Cant. Burgwin, with a communication from Maj. Blake giving an exaggerated account of the fight at Cieneguilla. In justice to Maj. Blake, however, I will state that the exaggerated account of the affair was founded upon data furnished by Lieut. D. himself. In a few hours, we were en route for Cant. Burgwin, where we arrived on the 1st of April.
Davidson met our command near his quarters, and in reply to some question from Col. Cooke, which was met with much apparent concern as to the result of the affair of the preceding day, he said, in a self-confident and positive tone, that he had “killed fifty or sixty Indians.” This was asserted as a fact. I was present. Lt. D. left Cant. B. on the 2nd instant under orders from Major Blake, to follow and watch the movement of the Apaches, but to avoid if possible bringing on an action” He marched a portion of the night and on the morning of the 30th sent a guide with two men, to ford on the Rio Grande below Cieneguilla, to ascertain if the Indians had crossed the river.

A trail was afterwards discovered leading up a hill, the advance guard was sent to reconnoiter the position of the Indians, and some returned saying that when they arrived at the camp which was on the top of a hill, the Indians had leveled their rifles upon them. Upon being thus informed, Lt. D. says he cursed the corporal and demanded to know of him why he had not fired upon them with his revolver. The corporal also reported that the Indians told him (in Spanish) to “come on.” Lt. D. now dismounted his command in a canyon, divided it into two platoons, and advanced upon the Indian camp which contained the families and now was to fulfill the prediction about “wiping them out”.
It is at least doubtful who fired first, but what matters it? Was not the advance upon the Camp in a hostile attitude a bona fide attack? Nobody would doubt it particularly if his position was that of the Indians and Lt. D. would have been one of the last to do so. If he had been under the command of almost any officer other than Maj. Blake he would have been tried for disobedience of orders. Again let me look at the manner in which the affair was conducted.

The command advanced in two platoons as nearly in line as the nature of the ground and other circumstances would admit. This was the most unmilitary as well as the most exposed order possible--it could not be expected that a display of numbers would intimidate the Indians while a large mark was thus presented to their concentrated fire. This is no labored scientific delusion—a non-commissioned officer who would not have appreciated it upon this ground should have been reduced for incapacity. But if exception is taken to this mode of approaching a crouching and concealed [enemy] for what are we to think of the second attempt to go up a steep hill each man leading his horse. The horses alarmed by the noises and confusion of the fight would refuse to advance and the men would struggle with them unwilling to abandon them and thus instead of using their weapons would fall victims to the fire of a concealed enemy.

An attack could not be made mounted and to attempt to lead the horses would expose the men. What was then to be done? To abandon the horses of course. This ill-advised and unfortunate attack arrived at the top of the hill, leaving behind it those who are killed or wounded, and now the command is given “Mount men a save yourselves.” This Lt. does not or did not deny. This order was calculated to strike terror to heart of the bravest soldier, for he would know that nothing but the utmost exertion could prevent his falling a prey to the merciless savage. This order was alone was sufficient to panic a command. The consequence was a disorderly flight over ground of the difficulties of which the Indians well knew how to take advantage. Every other consideration was forgotten in that of personal safety and hence the entire abandonment of arms & etc. Every man expended his energies to save his own life while he abandoned his wounded comrades to be butchered. I have conversed with Major Blake, Maj. Thompson and Mr. Quinn all of whom visited Cieneguilla the next day and the result of their stories is this that 5 men only were found dead upon the side of the hill up which Davidson advanced, and it is by no means certain they were dead when the retreat was ordered, while 14 men formed on the hill side down which the flight took place, and two other dead in the ravine below. This cannot be denied, and it proves that a command of 57 Dragoons retreated without an attempt to preserve order, when they had lost 5 of their number. Davidson says in his official report which I read there were nearly 250 or 300 Apaches and Utah warriors in the fight he fought for three hours and had every reason to believe he killed a large number of Indians. In the first place there were no Utahs & secondly there were not more than 130 warriors (Apaches) in it, as Carson or any person who followed them will tell you. If 50 or 60 of them been killed the rest must have been wounded if any amt of usual proportion between killed and wounded obtained. As to fighting [for] 3 hours that is the most ridiculously absurd assertion in the whole report. A cartridge box (cavalry) holds some 30 to 50 cartridges. How long would it take a man to fire this number assuming that he fired all of them? But in the excitement of action most men will lose a large portion of their ammunition. I think that any reasonable man will agree that Davidson’s fight have lasted 30 minutes, his assertion to the contrary notwithstanding. In regard to the probable number of killed I forgot to say that it is a probable fact that the number of lodges after the flight was the same as before and we were informed in every Mexican settlement through which we passed in the pursuit, that the Indians said they had lost only two men in the battle. I could pass over most of the things and sincerely sympathize with
Davidson in his misfortune, but when an attempt is made to transform an unskillful attack, a feeble resistance, a disastrous flight, the combined consequences of which entailed upon others days of toil and night of suffering and present that to the world as a glorious triumph. I do not consider it my duty longer to be silent for I am one of those who suffered from these misguided monuments. However, others may regard the matter I cannot but think remaining silent is very near akin to countenancing tacitly a gross imposture. The correspondence recently published in the Santa Fe Gazette, between Lieut. D and Mr. Davis, should silence all who are cognizant of the facts any feeling of forbearance towards the former he attempts to make capital out of what he knows to be an error and wishes to force upon the public what he did not himself believe. There is one other circumstance of which you are probably not aware. Last winter Davidson preferred charges against Major Blake—they were of a very grave nature. A few days after the affair at Cieneguilla the major made some remark to the effect that D. had done as could be expected, when D. instantly offered to withdraw the charges although if xxx Maj. B. had signed a false certificate etc. All of which I was prepared to prove. I am also acknowledge himself that Maj. could have presented him “with a single word” –hence the spirit of martial concession. If D. had sustained no feat why did he offer gratuitously to withdraw these charges? But there is another fact where Davidson’s conduct was assailed and he talked so loudly about asking for a Court of Inquiry why did he change his tone so suddenly when he found it very easy to get the Court and he was even recommended from persons whom he pretended to seek advise. In conclusion I will again say that you are entirely free to show my letter to Davidson or any of his friends for it contains not only my convictions also drawn from unmitigated facts.

We have no news of importance except that there now seems a strong probability that some new regiments will be raised this winter. How many we have no idea but if Congress acts upon the suggestions of the President and Secty. of War it would be very natural to suppose they would raise the force recommended as indispensable. I hope they will for without we have no prospect keeping our [red?] buttons within any reasonable bounds. I have applied for promotion in a new regiment but without much hope of getting it. I will however use what little political influence I can muster for that purpose. I applied to Col. Cooke a few days since for a statement in reference to my standing in my regiment, services, capabilities, etc. And when I received what was willingly handed me an hour or two afterwards, I was almost at a loss to make out my own identity. I had no idea I was half as alone as the Col. made me out and my modesty would hardly allow me to make use of a description by which perhaps I might more afterwards be recognized. The [appropriation?] Bill is expected to pass--it is thought that the new phase under which it will be presented will be of advantage to it. I speak in pay and to the limitation of time. The pay Bill will too come up and as it appears as a fixed fact that Members of Congress are going to raise their own pay [, so] I don’t see how they can get over giving us a little more.

The Sioux War now seems determined upon. We have it from Genl Scott himself. It is still doubtful what troops will be sent out. The 2d Inftry and our companies of Drags, with one or two companies will go of course and if there is an addition to the Army it is expected that the whole 2d Drags will be ordered out in which case we will have a lively time of it. The Indians are reported as being very hostile and confident in their numbers. I think however with a Battery or two and a regiment of Drags we will rather worst them in a pitched battle. We have not received any more recruits, a detachment was ordered here but the order came so late that navigation had closed. It is probable however that they will reach us from St. Louis. Our Hd. Qts. has not yet arrived but we expect them soon. There is very little pretension to gaiety or even sociability here. No parties or amusement. Besides I have been sick ever since I came here and am so badly broken up by Rheumatism that I can scarcely hobble about.

Robertson received your letter addressed to him at Jefferson Bks. and will write you. He, Polk, Haight & etc. send their love.

You must have had quite a lonely time during the absence of the ladies on a visit to Ft. Filmore. I would give anything to be a Ft. Union for a few days. This place is intolerably stupid. My time principally spent in reading. I have been duly engaged for the last two months in the study of some French military works from which I have derived much pleasure and I think some useful knowledge too. I have poured over them for whole nights when my rheumatism would not let me sleep.

I have now three or four other letters to write to Fort Union. It is now late and I must get them in the post office tomorrow morning. So I will have to conclude. My love to Byrne, McCook & Magruder. Remember me to all my friends at your post and don’t forget to write by every mail.

Yours very truly,

D. Bell

P.S. Buford has been ordered to his company and Oakes and Garnett detailed on duty at the Cavalry depot. B. has not arrived here yet.

D.B.

First Dragoons Officers 1849

Get a Look at the Mighty Pacific: Thomas Swords Dragoon Quartermaster

Get a look at the mighty Pacific: Lt. Col. Thomas Swords in Antebellum San Francisco

By William Gorenfeld (c) October 9, 2007

In 1825, Thomas Swords, a nineteen-year-old student at Columbia College, New York, gained entry into the United States Military Academy. Upon graduation in 1829, the Army placed him with the 4th Infantry and he served with the regiment in Alabama and Florida. In 1833, he became a 1st lieutenant in the newly formed 1st Dragoons. In 1846, the Army commissioned Swords as an assistant quartermaster. He was attached to Brig. Gen. Stephen Kearney’s Army of the West and followed the command out to New Mexico and then California. Swords returned to the East but in 1857, now in the position of deputy quartermaster, he was sent by Quartermaster General Thomas Jesup out to San Francisco to take control over the disorganized state of the affairs existing at the quartermaster’s department in the Department of the Pacific.
In 1973, a packet of personal letters written in 1842-1846 by Swords to Lt. Abraham Johnson, written while he was stationed at Ft. Scott, were discovered at the United States Military Academy and published by the Kansas Historical Society. Recently, the author acquired four more letters. Lt. Col. Swords wrote these letters to his friend William A. Gordon, personal secretary to Gen. Jesup in the late 1850’s. This unfiltered correspondence of a senior officer, feeling his career to be at a dead-end and yearning to return to the States, offers insight into the state of military affairs in Antebellum California. Swords’ spelling and grammatical errors have not been corrected.
As is evident in all of his letters, Swords did not suffer fools and had little use for many fellow officers in the quartermaster department. Of particular interest in these letters are references to the nefarious actions of Capt. Thomas Jordan. This enterprising officer soon would be court martialed in 1861 upon allegations that he fraudulently discounted vouchers to contractors in connection with the construction of lavishly overbuilt Fort Dalles in Oregon. The colorful and personally charming Jordan managed to escape punishment by resigning his commission and joining the Confederate Army where he acted as a valuable adjutant for Generals Pierre Beauregard and Albert S. Johnston. He would eventually rise to the rank of general and have a successful post war career as a writer and participant in the Cuba Libre movement.
Colonel Swords had a much less exciting career. He remained loyal to the Union during the war and in 1861, would replace Col. Charles Thomas as the Army’s Assistant Quartermaster, earning a major general’s brevet in 1865. On 22 February 1869, he retired to live in New York.


April 8th 1857.
My Dear [William A.] Gordon
Although I am nearly written out having been hard at it since 5 o’clock this morning, giving instructions ruefully to carry out the orders for the march of the 4th Inf. which I did not receive in detail until last night, I cannot let another mail go, without having a little chat with you. Our trip out was a very pleasant one. Though quite enjoyable I sure would have no objection to making it right over to his return to New York that is if the Dept. should think proper to send me there, which both [Maj. Osborne] Cross and myself have some people say [should] be done. He [Cross] is seen in San Francisco, wrote me word he would be up last night if he was well enough, having been suffering for sometime with intermittent fever. I do not know whether he will defer his departure for Oregon, wait until after the time he has permission to delay or will wait in San Francisco after his return.
I wish assignment could be made so that I might go up in his stead and then return to Washington after having completed my duty. I think his long service here would enable him to make arrangement for the march of the 4th Inf. much better than I can--though I will do my very best and go up to Walla Walla before they leave.
Since I have been here I have been down to San Diego with our distinguished commission and the result of the trip is the breaking up of the seaport there and the removal of the troops from the old fortification. The depot had ceased to be of any use since the post in this section is supplied by the Colorado and was only a unnecessary expense to the Dept. All the stores, etc., will be brought to the seaport here. The number not required in California will be sent from all the ports to Walla Walla and these will number 400 or upwards. So we will get rid of a heavy expense on this account.
I very much fear we will lose [Capt. Ralph] Kirkham, he is an excellent officer and would really be a great Col. I wish the Gen’l [Thomas Jesup] had assigned the officer that is to go with the 4th. [Capt. Robert] Allen is much excited for fear he away go and [Capt. Thomas] Jordan, I suppose would not like it any better. When I submitted my letter to our Col. [Charles Thomas] he did not like to endorse it, in consequence of the illusion I made to Kirkham’s resigning. I thought it necessary that our chief Thomas would be advised of what might probably be the result but told him he might strike it out, or make any remarks on it he thought preferable. So he finally concluded to put his name on it. He and myself have so far got along most harmoniously and I anticipate no difficulty, this thing of submitting to him everything I may write to the Head of the Dept. will necessarily make my correspondence very brief and confined only to the most necessary subjects.
We are residing in a very nice family house, but as soon as it is decided that senior q[uarter]masters are to remain here and that I am to serve out my duty years, will make ourselves more comfortable at housekeeping.
Am much obliged to you for the copy of the correspondence, which does neither of the parties any credit and will do the late Sec’try [of War Jefferson Davis] much harm. I think he may consider himself as no longer one of the prominent candidates for the board of the White House.
Let me know where all the officers of our Dept. are stationed, and what is the prospect of [Capt. William] Chapman or any body coming out--but without I can have discreet, reliable officers, would rather have some. There is one here, who is spending a great deal of money who I would be pleased to get rid of. How is old friend [Maj. Michael] Clark. When you see him tell him to please drop me a line and give me all the gossip, although he may not go out of the house. I know he knows everything that is going on. Is it time that [Maj. Ebenezer] Sibley is to take Col, Thomas’ place. If so, I think our little Col. had better come out to get a look at the mighty Pacific.
Let me have all the news of the office.
Yours truly,
Tho. Swords

_____________________________________________________________Oct. 19th 1857
My Dear [Wm A.] Gordon—
The Eastern mail is not yet in. So we are in ignorance of what has occurred in the great world for the past month and there has not much been done here that would interest you.
I have been down to Monterey and made an inspection of our old buildings there & which are of little value and probably will not likely ever be again required. So I discharged the agent after the end of this month and made arrangements to have the premises occupied and taken charge of without expense. I am trying to hunt up something in regard to our title to the premises, but fear, like most things other things in this country, no record has been kept of it. Will make a report on the subject by the next mail.
Lieut. [Ralph] Kirkham is here. I want him to go up to Walla Walla & Gen’l [Newman] Clarke to the Dalles, how it will terminate I don’t know, he is a past favorite with the Genl. as he belonged to his Regt. He bought a place over the Bay in Oakland, where his family will remain. So, I suppose does not wish to go further off there [if] he can help. The Genl. talks of ordering [Capt. Thomas] Jordan to report to the Q M Genl [Thomas Jessup] when relieved. If [Capt. William] Chapman does not arrive by the Isthmus he may find he will have to go to Walla Walla. I want to get Jordan away from the Dalles, and would send him to Humboldt, if I had my way.
I now come to the old [illegible] I have not one cent on loan and if a remittance is not sent by the mail—will have to draw for the October disbursements.
Yours truly,
TM Swords
What has become of [Col. Charles] Thomas? Was the proud army of QMs with the Utah Expedition but a flash in the pan? I understood [Capt. Stewart] Van Vilet was in New York at last accounts.

____________________________________________________

San Francisco Cal. June 19th '60

Mr. W.A. Gordon

My Dear Gordon:

I have not a word of news that will interest you, and merely write to let you know that you are not forgotten, as it is some time since I last wrote. We are pretty much over the excitement caused by he outbreak of the [Paiute] Indians in Carson Valley. The Regulars [6th Infantry] have procured arms at Pyramid Lake where I suppose they will wait until something is is determine about the establishment of a post. And the Indians have all fled to the mountains, where they will be beyond the reach of our troops, without the right sort of men properly equipped against them. The Regulars, it appears, got along first rate with Jack Hay's volunteers. No quarreling, and each speaks well of the other.

[Captain and assistant quartermaster Tredwell] Moore, they say, is very popular, which may perhaps be attributed in part to the liberal use of Uncle Sam's money and supplies, but I ought not to judge him until his acts come in. He has written for more funds and I have had to tell him until his acts. come in. He has writen for more funds and I have had to tell that I was entirely out. [Moore estimated Fort Churchill would cost $193,000; Swords ordered to Utah Territory October 13, cut off $14,000.] Last mail I got your notification of a remittance of $80,000 for Oregon but none for California. The draft did no come, so [Quartermaster Rufus] Ingalls will have to wait another two weeks. His debts at the end of the month were $65,000 for Fort Vancouver. What they are at Wall Walla and other posts the Lord only knows.

I fear you surmise as to our friend Charlie S. [Lovell] will turn out but too well formed. After he heard of his escape from his last scrape, he got drunk again and has been in arrest ever since, though [Major Albermarle] Cady [6th Inf. commanding Fort Yuma] has not preferred charges and will not do so, if he can help it. He must resign or be disciplined sooner or later, and then what will become of him.

[Brevet Major Robert] Allen [Assistant Quartermaster, Department of Pacific] report about the "Massachusetts" came in a few minutes since. I have not read it, and cannot get Gen'l [Newman S.] Clarke [Commanding the Department] to act on it in time for this mail.

Gen'l Joe Lane was been [politically] killed in Oregon and the Republicans have almost carried the state [and in October, would elect E.D. Baker as U.S. Senatr]. Did the Democrats anticipate this when the state was admitted? We are anxious to hear the result of the Baltimore Convention [for June 16]. Hope they will nominate somebody at least as credible to their party as Lincoln to the Repubicans.

The next time I may be more in the humor of writing or there may be something more interesting to write about.

Yours, truly,

T[HOMAS] W. SWORDS

Letter courtesy of Dr. Robert Chandler


___________________________________________


San Francisco
July 31, ‘60


My Dear Gordon,

I have not had the heart to write since hearing of the death of our dear Gen’l [Thomas Jesup], though an event to be at any time expected at his time of life, I could hardly accept it. So sudden, without any indication of previous illness. The good man has gone to his rest—a gain to him, but an impossible loss to us—particularly to you and myself. Would be to God that he had been granted a few months longer, as I do not think another administration could be found to such injustice to Thomas, or cause such odium on old officers of the Dept. I have heard but one opinion in relation to the appointment of the successor [Joseph Johnston]—all of decided condemnation. To be sure we have not much to expect from the present corrupt administration, but might have hoped to have found protectors in the Senate, to which we have always looked for in protection in our rights. Well the deed is consummated now and I suppose we have but to submit. Johnston and I were classmates but what kind of QM Gen’l he will make I have no idea—that you may find your aspiration with him agreeable, and continue to occupy your old desk for many years, I firmly hope—
As to myself, my military ambition is at an end—and I never again expect to take that interest in the service which I have heretofore felt. I hope I may continue to perform my duty conscientiously but certainly shall not make myself unhappy if things do not go as I should wish.
Thomas has reaped the reward of overzeal and the Executive and Senate have decided that too quick regard for the interests of the Treasury is cause for being unfit for advancement. Well let it be so—I shall act on this principle. The only cause now to be pursued is to make myself popular by yielding to the demands of all.
It is perhaps fortunate for the Gen’l that he did not live a few months longer to witness the disgrace of Charles [Thomas] whose resignation I suppose has been accepted before this. The accounts of him from you are most culpable—and additional charges have been preferred. These I have had withheld until the War Dept. could take action on his resignation. I wrote to [Capt. Lorenzo] Sitgreaves all about him—and we will probably have him in a short time again disgracing himself in Washington. He wanted to leave at once, but I thought it better to keep him out of the way as long as possible.
If the vote on the nomination [of Johnston] has been made public, or proposed to, let me have it. I have heard that [Charles] Thomas thought of resigning–were I he, I would see this done first.
Yours truly,
Thos. Swords ______________________________________________________________

Endnotes

Francis R. Heitman, Historical Register of the Army of the United States Army, from its Organization, September 29, 1789, to March 2, 1903 “ Thomas Swords” (Washington, Government Printing Office 1903) 2 volumes, vol. I, 941; George W. Cullum, Register of Officers and Graduates of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, N.Y. from March 16, 1802 to January 1, 1850 (N.Y. J.F. Trow, Printer 1850), 155.
Harry C. Myers, From ‘The Crack Post of the Frontier’: Letters of Thomas and Charlotte Swords” 5 Kansas History: A Journal of the Central Plains (Autumn 1982 Kansas Historical Society) No. 3.
General Order No. 1 War Dep’t, Adjutant General’s Office, Washington D.C., January 18, 1861, General Orders of War Department Embracing the Years 1861, 1862 & 1863 by Thos. O’Brien & Oliver Diefendorf (New York, Derby & Miller 1864) 2 volumes, vol. 1, 1.
Ezra Warner, Generals in Gray, (Baton Rouge: LSU Press 2000) 167.
The 4th Infantry arrived in California in 1852 after a disease-ridden trip across the Isthmus of Panama. By 1861, elements of this regiment were stationed from Fort Yuma to Puget Sound. Thomas Rodenbough, editor, The Army of the United States, Historical Sketches of the Staff and Line with Portraits of the Generals-in-Chief (reprinted New York, Argonaut Press 1966), 463; Will Gorenfeld and George Stammerjohan, Infantry in Antebellum California, Military Collector & Historian. vol. 58, no. 4 (Winter 2006), 241.
Major Osborne Cross graduated from the Military Academy in 1825 and was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the 1st Infantry. In 1836, he was commissioned as an assistant quartermaster and, in 1847, became a major in the quartermaster department. Cullum, 129.
In 1856, tensions arising from the Yakima War resulted in the construction of an army post at Walla Walla, Washington Territory. Robert Utley, Frontiersmen in Blue (New York: The Macmillan Company 1967) 200-201.
Captain Ralph Kirkham graduated from the Military Academy in 1842. He gained second lieutenant’s commission in the 6th Infantry He fought in the Mexican War, earning brevets for heroism at the Battles of Contreras, Churubusco and Chapultepec. In 1856 he was made an assistant quartermaster and transferred from Ft. Tejon to the quartermaster’s depot in San Francisco. Heitman, “Ralph Kirkham”, vol. 1, 604; see also Robert Miller, editor, The Mexican War Journal & Letters of Ralph W. Kirkham (College Station: Texas A&M Press 1991).
In 1808, Thomas Jesup was commissioned a 2d Lt. in the 7th Infantry. Rising in rank during the War of 1812, he became Quartermaster General on 8 May 1819. Heitman “Thomas Jesup, vol. I, 573.
Robert Allen graduated from the Military Academy in 1836 and entered service with the 2nd Artillery. Lt. Allen received a brevet for his actions at the Battle of Cerro Gordo and, on 19 October 1847, he gained a commission as assistant quartermaster. Heitman, “Robert Allen”, vol. 1, 159.
Charles Thomas entered the army in 1819. On 7 July 1838 he was promoted to the rank of Major in the Quartermaster’s Department. On 1 August 1856, Thomas became the assistant quartermaster general. Heitman, “Charles Thomas”, vol. 1, 953.
Swords brought his wife Charlotte with him to California.
William Chapman graduated from the Military Academy in 1837 and received a 2d lieutenant’s commission in the 2d Artillery. He was promoted to Captain in the Quartermaster’s Department on 11 Mat 1846. Chapman received a brevet to the rank of major for his actions at the Battle of Buena Vista, February 23, 1847. He died on 27 September 1859. Heitman, “William Chapman”, vol. I, 296.
Michael Clark of Virginia graduated from the Military Academy in 1826, and gained a 2d lieutenant’s commission in the 2d Artillery. On 18 June 1848 he became an assistant quartermaster and was promoted to major on 1 August 1856. Heitman, “Michael Clark”, vol. I, 305.
Ebenezer Sibley graduated at the top of his class at the Military Academy in 1827 and gained a 2d lieutenant’s commission with the 1st Artillery. He became a captain in the quartermaster’s department on 7 July 1838. Brevetted for gallant conduct at the Battle of Buena Vista, Sibley was, on 22 December 1856, promoted to the rank of major in the quartermaster’s department. Heitman, “Ebenezer Sibley”, vol. I, 885.
Closing the facility in Monterey was in accord with the recommendation made by Inspector General Joseph Mansfield in his 1854 inspection report. See Joseph Mansfield, Robert W. Frazer, editor, Mansfield on the Condition of the Western Forts 1853-54 (Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press 1963), 120-121.
In May of 1857, the War Department placed brevet Brigadier General Newman Clarke in command of the Department of the Pacific. Utley, 200. Clarke had entered the military as an ensign during the War of 1812 and rose to the rank of colonel of the 6rh Infantry on 29 June 1846. Heitman, “Newman Clarke”, vol. I, 307.
Captain Kirkham would end up stationed at Fort Walla Walla and participated in the 1858 campaign against the Palouse and Spokane tribes. Lawrence Kip, Indian War in the Pacific Northwest (reprinted Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1999) 24. He would remain in Oakland for the remainder of his life, becoming one of the town’s founding fathers in the post Civil War era. Miller, 115-116.
Lieutenant Colonel Swords was obviously receiving information at this time that Capt. Jordan was committing a series of unauthorized actions rebuilding Fort Dalles and sought to have him transferred. Carl Schlicke, General George Wright: Guardian of the Pacific Coast (Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press 1988) 130; see also infra, footnote 2. Jordan's actions resulted in his being court martialed.
At the time of the writing of this letter, the Utah Expedition of the so-called Mormon War had, on 18 July 1857, left Fort Leavenworth bound for Salt Lake City. As it entered into Utah Territory, the expedition, harassed by Mormon rangers and physically weakened by cold weather, the vanguard retreated to winter quarters at Fort Bridger. Durwood Ball, Army Regulars on the Western Frontier, 1848-1861, 162.
Captain Stewart Van Vilet graduated from the Military Academy in 1840. After rising to a captaincy with the 3d Artillery, in 1847 he became a captain in the Quartermaster’s Department. In 1857, Captain Van Vilet In 1857, Van Vilet was in Utah unsuccessfully attempting to secure provisions for the oncoming expedition. He also tried, with slight success, to mediate the dispute between the Mormons and the federal government. Heitman, “Stewart Van Vilet”, vol. I, 984, Ball, 161.
Thomas S. Jessup had been in the Army since 1808. Rising to the rank of Colonel of Infantry during the War of 1812, he was made Quartermaster General in 1818. He served at this post until his death on 10 June 1860.
Swords is obviously angered by what he suspects to be a Southern cabal, led by Secretary of War John Floyd, who are fast taking control over the military. Joseph Johnston, a Virginian, graduated from the Military Academy in 1829. Initially posted as a 2d lieutenant with the 4th Artillery, he transferred to the Topographical Engineers in 1838. During the Mexican War, Johnston became Lt. Col. of the Voltigiers. When, in 1855 Congress approved the creation of the 1st Cavalry, Johnston, a close friend of Secretary of War Jefferson Davis, gained a commission as the regiment’s Lt. Colonel. On 28 June 1860, he succeeded Jesup as Quartermaster General, resigning his post on 22 April 1861, to become a general officer in the Confederate army.

Swords is referring to Col. Charles Thomas, who had been serving Assistant Quartermaster General since 1856 and, in Swords’ opinion, as well as in the opinion of many others, Thomas should have been made Quartermaster General and would resign in protest. The New York Times for 30 June 1860, reported that Johnston "[w]ith his experience, it is believed that he will make an excellent administrative officer. The friends of Col. Thomas, who was entitled by rule of promotion to the appointment, are exceedingly indiginant at what they denounce as a positive injustice in the appointment of Col. Johnson [sic]. The President had decided to send to the Senate the name of Col. Thomas until a few moments before the nomination, when he yeilded to the wishes of Secretary [of War] Floyd, and nominated Col. Johnson [sic]. Col. Thomas, I understand, will contest the legality of the appointment."

Thomas would continue to perform in the Quartermaster Department until his death on 1 February 1878.

Lorenzo Sitgreaves graduated from the Military Academy in 1832, and was commissioned as a brevet 2d lieutenant in the 1st Artillery. In 1838, he transferred to the Topographical Engineers where he was serving as a captain at the time of this letter.

Dragoon Fever

John Love received this letter from his friend John Newton, a fellow Virginian and lower classmate at the United States Military Institute. Newton, who finished 2d in his class, upon graduation would forsake the Dragoons and become an Engineer.

HUTCHINSON'S HABEAS

John F. Hutchinson, a 5' 5" bookbinder from Dublin, joined the Dragoons at Ft. Union on 24 November 1851. At the time of the enlistment (his second) he was married and disclosed this to the recruiting officer. Army regulations at the time made it illegal for an enlisted man to be maried. Mrs. Hutchinson secured the services of lawyer James Quinn in Taos and on 3 July 1854, Judge James Deavenport granted a habeas order granting her husband a discharge. (Santa Fe Gazette July 8, 1854). Lt. John W. Davidson refused to honor the court order and Hutchinson did not secure his discharge until late in 1854.

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Don Fernandez de Taos, New Mexico
March 24, 1854

Brig. Genl. John Garland
Sir:
I have been employed as attorney by the wife of John F. Hutchinson at present serving as a private in Company I, 1st Dragoons. Lieut. Davidson, to obtain his discharge by Writ of Habeas Corpus before a Civil Court, and believing that it is proper to submit the case to you as Commanding General before taking any steps before a civil tribunal, I hereby make a statement of the case forwarded on undoubted evidence.

John F. Hutchinson served five years in Company E of the Seventh Infantry, Capt. Miles, and was honorably discharged on the fifteenth of December A.D., 1849. On the fourteenth October A.D. 1851, he was married to Ignacia Pacheco by Padre Martinez of this place. On the first day of November A.D. 1851 he enlisted in Company I. 1st Dragoons by and at the instigation of Lieut. Whittlesley, who afforded him guarantees and rations for his wife. He is now deprived of all of these privileges, and is unable to support his wife and claims his discharge under the 770 Section of the Regulations of the Army in relation to duties of Recruiting Officers. Lieut. Whittlesley knew of his marriage as can be proved, held out inducements to him to enlist but did not obtain the special authority required by law from Head Quarters. The section accepts re-enlisted soldiers. This is clearly not a case of re-enlistment, as nearly two years intervened
between the discharge and second Enlistment. I have stated the case fairly for your consideration, and beg you will give it attention at your earliest convenience.

Yours respectfully,

James H. Quinn,
Attorney for Claimant

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Don Fernandez de Taos.Mexico
July 26th, 1854

Major

I have the honor most respectfully to request that my Discharge and Final Statements be given me by Lieut. Jano. W. Davidson to whose company I formerly belonged, and from which Company I have been recently discharged by Civil Authority (a Copy of the Order of the Court which I enclose herewith.) I made a written application for my discharge &C. to Lieut. Davidson but he has not answered it directly or indirectly, for what reason I am not aware of. Lieut. Davidson told me in the presence of his First Sergeant that if I had not destroyed his Muster Rolls, that if I were discharged by Civil Authority, he would give me an honorable Discharge and all emoluments which the Government allows me. I proved to him when he took me out of the custody of the U.S. Deputy Marshall by force. I turned over all his Muster Rolls to his Orderly Sergeant, which he acknowledged, and after maltreating me and calling me the worst names he could think of. After I had left en route for Santa Fe, his musters were found in his Company Store Room where no person ever has access except his Orderly Sergeant.

My conduct as a Soldier can be well proven if necessary by all of the men of the Company to which I belong as of the Morning Report Book will show that I never have been in confinement for one hour until I undertook to procure my Discharge from the service in order to maintain my family. Now if the major will have the goodness to lay this before the General for his decision thereon, I will be obliged should the General order my discharge to be given me by Lt. Davidson, I would feel great indebtedness by your letting me know the action of the General thereon at your earliest convenience. And direct your communication in care of Mr. Solomon Beuthner, Merchant, Taos, N.M., by complying with the above you will greatly oblige.

Yours very respectfully,

Jno. F. Hutchinson

Bvt. Major W.A. Nichols, Asst. Adjt. Genl. U.S.A., Dept. New Mexico

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Territory of New Mexico, County of Santa Fe
July 4th, 1854
John F. Hutchinson vs. John W. Davidson

Petition for Habeas Corpus

The case having been submitted to the Court yesterday, and under advisement, and the court now being fully advised in the premises, and of opinion that the said John F. Hutchinson was allegedly enlisted as a soldier in the United States Army and is entitled to his discharge:

It is therefore considered by the Court that the said John F. Hutchinson be discharged from further service in the United States Army, and that he go hence without delay, and that he pay the costs of the proceedings taxed at $19.50.


.................

Langford Peel: A Dragoon Bugler Gone Bad

LANGFORD PEEL

By Will Gorenfeld and John Gorenfeld

Copyrighted April 24, 2007

The year was 1883 and the editor of the Daily Helena Montana Independent was at his desk

preparing the next edition when a gentleman entered the small newspaper office and stood

silently before him. “Do you not know me?” the stranger finally said, pulling off his hat. The

harried newsman looked up, saw the weathered and worn face, the blue eyes and lingering half

smile, but couldn't place them.

“My name is Bull—John Bull, the man you successfully defended fifteen years ago for killing Langford Peel," said the man. Taking a longer look at the face, the editor discovered it belonged to his old client. (It didn't take much in those days to practice law.) This was the man known for having shot Farmer Peel, the outlaw once known as "the most notorious desperado of the mountains." No one could remember if he'd had been a farmer. But they remembered his murderous aim. Peel, one man wrote, “could fire at the drop of a hat and hit a dollar ten paces away every time." Behind that face "lurked the mind of a killer."

In the West, gunfighters often loomed larger than politicians, editors and captains of

industry. As a young journalist in the Nevada Territory, Mark Twain himself crossed paths

with Peel. He called Peel and his fellow gunmen "brave, reckless men [who] traveled with

their lives in their hands. To give them their due, they did their killing principally among

themselves, and seldom molested peaceable citizens, for they considered it small credit to

add to their trophies so cheap a bauble as the death of a man who was 'not on the shoot,' as

they phrased it. They killed each other on slight provocation,and hoped and expected to be

killed themselves--for they held it almost shame to die otherwise than 'with their boots on,' as

they expressed it."

Remarkably, this killer had begun his career as a respected Army soldier. Peel was born in

Dublin, Ireland, in 1829, and soon immigrated to America. He was practically raised in the

army; his step father served as a private in in the First U.S, Dragoons. At age 12, Peel enlisted

to learn music with the Dragoons at Carlisle Barracks. The year 1845 found him serving as a

bugler with his step father's company at Ft. Atkinson, Wisconsin. He stayed behind in Kansas

when his company marched to conquer Santa Fe in 1846 in the Mexican War. But then, when B

Company headed West on the Santa Fe trail in 1847, he joined with his trumpet. Lax in

following dress regulations the dragoons rode on big-boned sorrel horses towards a

confrontation with the Comanches at the Coon Creeks in what is today western Kansas. There

he claimed to have shot and killed two Comanche Indians. (See Wild West, June 2004:

Dragoons vs. Comanches.)

In January, 1848, Bugler Peel accompanied General Sterling Price's Army of the Weston its march into the Mexican State of Chihuahua. At the age of 19, he fought in Battle of Santa Cruz de Rosales on 16 March 1848—a major battle fought after a treaty was signed with Mexico. After the war he continued to soldier in B Company, re-enlisting in 1848 and rising to the rank of sergeant. In his autobiography Five Years a Dragoon, First Sergeant Percival Lowe, wrote of serving with Peel, describing him as being “the best specimen of 160 pounds, five feet, nine inches, naturally bright, clear headed and helpful always . . . a perfect horseman, possessing unlimited courage and endurance, he was a man to be relied on and trusted in every emergency.” Lowe noted several examples of Sergeant Peel’s intelligence and marksmanship.

In 1854, Lowe, while posted at Ft. Union in New Mexico Territory, took his discharged. He recommended that Peel be made the new 1^st sergeant of B Company. The two men were close friends and Peel, having married a woman from a prominent family in St. Louis, had named his son Percival Lowe Peel. Sergeant Peel, however, got into trouble with the civilian authorities and, on 20 March 1855. he was discharged from the Army. At 24 years of age, he had already participated in a lifetime’s worth of adventure and his future seemed bright.

While serving with the Army on the frontier, Peel had killed at least three Indians. These killings only wetted his appetite for violence. Starting out as a gambler at Leavenworth City in 1856, Peel prospered. At this time he acquired the nickname of Farmer Peel along with a reputation for both his generosity for those who were down and out, as well as his “dexterity with a revolver.”

Peel drifted west and the year 1858 found him down on his luck and in Salt Lake City, Utah Territory. It was here on September 9th that he encountered a fellow gambler named Oliver Rucker, one of those people to whom he had lent financial support in Leavenworth City. When Rucker refused to loan Peel any money, the latter attempted to pulverize the former with a chair. Rucker fled the saloon only to later confront Peel. Both men drew their firearms and fired simultaneously. The ensuing gun fight left both men lying wounded on the ground, each with several wounds. Peel dragged his body close to the prone Rucker, stabbed him with his bowie knife and cried out. “I’ve got a wife in Leavenworth City, write and tell her I fit to the last minute.” The former Dragoon bugler had suffered three gunshot wounds, but would survive. Rucker was not so fortunate and soon died. The authorities wanted to arrest Peel for murder. Friends treated Peel’s wounds and whisked him out of town. When he fully recovered, Peel rode west to California and then drifted to Virginia City in Nevada Territory.

Farmer Peel’s legendary status as a notorious gunslinger proceeded his arrival in Virginia City—indeed, he had slain six men and when he left town, he would slay another six. Quickly recognized as “chief” of the town toughs, it became necessary for him to defend his reputation. El Dorado Johnny Dennis challenged Peel to a gunfight. El Dorado, wanting to look his best for what he believed was going to be Farmer Peel’s funeral, visited his barber to have his hair trimmed, shaved and shoes shinned. The natty Dennis encountered Peel dealing three card monte and called him out. In the tradition of the old West the two faced one another in the middle of the street and drew their pistols. When the white gun smoke cleared it was El Dorado Johnny who made for a fine looking corpse.

The law-abiding citizens of Virginia City breathed a sign of relief when Peel left town. He took young John Bull, his new partner, with him and headed for the mining camps in Montana. It was in Helena on July 23, 1867, that the Bull and Peel had a falling out. Words were exchanged in a saloon and Peel went for his pistol.

“I’m not heeled," said Bull as he raised his hands.

“Go then, and heel yourself,” said Peel, slapping Bull on the face.

Bull returned to his hotel and wrote some letters to friends giving instructions for the disposition of his property. He then oiled his six gun and went out into the night, looking for Farmer Peel. It was midnight when Bull spied Peel walking down the street with his girl friend on his right arm. Bull came out from the shadows and fired. Peel reached for his pistol, but the badly frightened woman firmly held his right arm. Before he could jerk his arm loose, Bull had fired again and Peel fell. Standing directly over the prone gunfighter, Bull fired a bullet into Peel’s face.

Bull was arrested and charged with murder. Nine jurors voted to acquit him and he was found not guilty. Friends of Peel swore revenge, and following his acquittal Bill left town and wandered all around the west a haunted fugitive known as the "man who killed Farmer Peel." One night in 1898, as Bull walked out on to Howard Street in Spokane with Friskey Barnett. The two had been drinking and got into a fight. Barnett proceeded to empty his pistol at Bull, striking him four times. Bull was not expected to live, but recovered and lived to the age of ninety-three. He died in 1929, in British Columbia.

Sharps Carbines in New Mexico

In February of 1854, the government shipped 30 M1851 Sharps Carbines to the Department of New Mexico for field tests. The following letter (found in Nat'l Archives microfilm number 1120, roll 3, at 1125) briefly discusses the trial of one such weapon and the distribution of carbines amongst the various commands.

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Headquarters Fort Defiance, N.M.
April 10, 1854



Ft. Union, W.A.Nichols
Asst. Adjt. Gen’l.

Sir,

Pursuant to instructions from the headquarters of this department, under the date of March 29th, 1854, calling for the result of our experiment with “Sharp’s carbine”, I have the honor to report that although we were at first, from insufficient practice, prejudiced against this carbine, the effect of more numerous trials, has been to thoroughly convince us (waiving the consideration of the pistols), of its great superiority over every other fire arm that we have yet seen for the use of mounted corps, and especially for such use in Indian warfare.

It is incomparably superior to the musketoon in every aspect, except in its balance; its gauge and accuracy are greater than those of Hall’s Carbine. While it is certainly more liable to get out of order; it “holds up” its ball much better than the service rifle does. Its accuracy is superior to the latter (especially at long distance) while it loads far more rapidly, with less display of the person’s [sic], and with less liability to accident.
From its manner of loading there is no objection to giving its barrel a length equal to that of the musketoon (an increase of about 4 inches) which would only slightly add to its weight, but would increase ___________ ____________and improve its balance.

In our trials we observed no tendency to get out of order from its manner of loading, that seemed to be perfect, and all danger of having a ball “stick” in the barrel from want to coolness in loading is obviated.

In relation to the primers, (Maynard), the mechanical construction works admirably, but the primers themselves that were furnished to us were bad. Out of 200 which we tested, only 40 exploded the charges; but whether this was due to a deficiency in the quality or quantity of the fulminate, or to the paper having driven into the vent of the cone; or to some other cause, we cannot tell as yet, but one of the common service caps failed to ignite a charge.

The primers apparently were quite useless and jammed. Their covering was perfect, but their real character rendered it impracticable to test their power of resisting moisture and rough usage.

I believe the officers here, who have witnessed the trials, fully concur with me in these observations.

Very respectfully,

H.L. Kendrick
Capt. 2nd Arty. & B. Major
Comd. Fort Defiance


Fort Union Ord Depot
April 25, 1854


Major,

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt, this inst. of your letter of the 29th March ult. --- enclosing the copy of a letter, Chief of Ordnance, dated Feb. 15th & relative to the xxxxxxxx of “Sharps Carbine” for our service. In reply I have to state that thirty of Sharps carbines were sent to this Depot, 29 of them were almost immediately issued, as follows, 8 to Major Carleton, 5 to Capt. Ewell 6, to Major Kendrick, 5 to Lt. Johnson Co. “F” 1st Dragoons & 5 to Bvt. Lt. Col. Chandler. As the arm has been entrusted to these officers for trial, I suppose that their reports would be most satisfactory. Not having had an opportunity to give the arm a trial in field service, I am unable to afford any information other than was derived from seeing a few rounds fired from one of them at a target at the distance of 600 yards, where I discovered that the recoil of the piece was so great as to present that accuracy which is expected in a rifle. I also discovered that the “Maynard primer” was liable to injury from each fire, in consequence of several of the caps exploding at a time, and I observe that several officers into whose hands they have further found the same fault & have requested caps of the old pattern to be issued for the arm to obviate the uncertainty of fire with the “Maynard primer.”

Very Respectfully,
I am, Sir,
Your Obd.Svt.
W.R. Shoemaker
Master of Ordnance
Comg. Depot

Dragoons v. Jicarilla Apache: The Battle of Cieneguilla

THE BATTLE OF CIENEGUILLA
Anatomy of an Army Disaster
April 5, 2008

By Will Gorenfeld


“A contemptuous opinion of the prowess of these ferocious prairie Indians has been generally entertained by those who knew nothing about the matter—a consequence, probably, of the thousand exaggerated stories which Western adventurers have told of their own feats, and of the cowardly and thieving propensities of the savages.”
—New York Times, May 24, 1854

“Some inexperienced people have charged Indians with possessing less courage than white men. There was never a greater mistake.”
—Percival Lowe, Five Years a Dragoon and Other Adventures on the Great Plains

"This is the West, sir. When the legend becomes fact, print the legend. " The Man who Shot Liberty Valence


In 1854, Lieutenant John W. Davidson of the 1st Dragoons, boasted at Fort Union that Jicarilla Apache warriors were puny cowards. In a conversation with fellow officers, he had described a recent meeting with these warriors who seemed “overwhelmed by fear” at the sight of the dragoons. Had there been pretext, Davidson said, he would have “wiped them out.” Another officer knew better. Lieutenant David Bell, recently touted in the territory as having defeated chief Lobo Blanco’s ”daring band of outlaws”, stated that Jicarillas were “not cowardly, to say the least”, he told Davidson, but was ignored. [Santa Fe Weekly Gazette, March 25, 1854; Lt. John Davidson to Maj. George A. H. Blake, Cantonment Burgwin, NM, 25 March 1854; Letters Received Dept. of New Mexico 1854, f. 596-597, Main Series (LR 1805-1889); National Archives Microfilm Publication [NAMP] Microcopy 120, Record Group 3, National Archives [hereafter M120, RG 3, NA].: Correspondence, 1800 -1917; Records of the Adjutant General’s Office 1780 – 1917, [hereafter M120, RG 3, NA]. An account of this gathering may be found in Lt. David Bell to Lt. John Williams, 27 December 1854, Fort Leavenworth. Kansas Terr., Proceedings of a Court of Inquiry Convened at Santa Fe, New Mexico, February 8 1856, Headquarters, Department of New Mexico General Order No. 1, February 9, 1856, Transcripts and Proceedings of General Courts-Martial and Courts of Inquiry, 1799-1867) Judge Advocate General (Army), Record Group 153, National Archives, Washington, D.C. [hereafter referred to as COI], pp. 5-6; see also Durwood Ball, Army Regulars of the Western Frontier, 1848-1861 (Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press 2001), 55.]
In the Eurocentric view to which Davidson clung, a well-armed force led by a West Point officer was certain to prevail against “primitive” native Americans. Davidson soon learned not to underestimate the Jicarillas of northern New Mexico when the tribe decimated a force under his command. After the battle, one man, Lieutenant David Bell, called Davidson incompetent. Bell protested that Davidson, disobeying orders, had ineptly led his men into a disaster. According to Bell, Davidson was to blame for provoking the fight and his failure of leadership, in which U.S. soldiers had panicked and been routed by a small group of defenders.

Embarrassed, Davidson and his superiors whitewashed the defeat in an Army court of inquiry that found as unwarranted critical accusations against Davidson lodged by Bell. Generations of historians, without question, relied on the Army’s inaccurate version of events, in which has Davidson being ambushed by superior numbers of warriors and, after fighting for three hours, the dragoons had deftly escaped a trap thanks to their commander's cool leadership. [See Christopher Carson, Milo Quaife ed., Kit Carson’s Autobiography (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1966)149; Albert G. Brackett, History of the United States Cavalry, from the Formation of the Federal Government to the 1st of June 1863 (New York: Argonaut Press, Ltd. 1965), 79; Dewitt C. Peters, Kit Carson’s Life and Adventures, From Facts Narrated by Himself, Embracing Events in the Life Time of America’s Greatest Hunter, Trapper, Scout and Guide (Hartford, Conn.: Dustin, Gilman & Co. 1874) 424; John K. Herr, The Story of the U.S. Cavalry (Boston: Little, Brown & Company 1953) 135; Utley, Frontiersmen in Blue The United States Army and the Indian, 1848-1865 (New York: The Macmillan Co. 1967), 144; Homer K. Davidson, Blackjack Davidson: A Cavalry Commander on the Western Frontier (Glendale: Arthur Clarke Company 1974) 69-74; Gregory J.W. Urwin, The United States Cavalry: An Illustrated History (Dorset: Blandford Books 1983), 93; Edwin L. Sabin, Kit Carson Days (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1995) 2 vols., 2:660-661; Michno, Encyclopedia of Indian Wars, 24; Bill Yenne, Indian Wars: The Campaign for the American West (Yardley, Pennsylvania: Westholme Publishing 2006) 74; Only a few writers have questioned the official version of the battle of Cieneguilla. (See the foreword by Jerry Thompson in James A. Bennett, Forts and Forays (Albuquerque, University of New Mexico Press 1996) edited by Clinton Brooks, Clinton and Frank Reeve, xxii-xxvii; Morris F. Taylor, Campaigns Against the Jicarilla Apache, 1854, New Mexico Historical Quarterly (1969), Taylor, 275-276; and Scott, Fields of Conflict, 2:236-260.]

Many of the criticisms tendered by Lt. Bell would be proven right by an archaeologist, Dave Johnson, whose study of the battle site refuted the Army's findings. The true picture has come to lighting, revealing a story of an officer who disobeyed orders, placed his command in a tactically unsound positions and whose troops were routed by a weaker force.

To better understand this battle we must return to a chilled night along the Rio Grande. Flowing swiftly southward from the Colorado Rockies, this river divides most of New Mexico into two parts and then turns southeast towards Texas. The northern portion of the Rio Grande runs briskly down a steep gorge carved along the western slope of the Sangre de Cristo Mountains where crossings of the river are few. In the pre-dawn darkness of March 30, 1854, scout Jesus Silva and trooper Jeremiah Maloney reached the Embudo crossing of the river. They had been ordered by Lieutenant John Davidson to ride to this place and see if a defiant band of Jicarilla Apaches had crossed the river. Silva and Maloney found no signs of Jicarillas, but looking behind them to the northeast, saw distant campfires twinkling brightly atop a ridge. Suspecting these fires to be coming from the Jicarillas camp, the two men rode back to Cieneguilla to tell Lt. Davidson of what they had seen.

In February, a government beef contractor near Fort Union, New Mexico Territory had reported several of his cattle stolen by the Llaneros faction of the Jicarilla Apaches. A troop of Second U.S. Dragoons, under command of 2d Lieutenant David Bell, was sent from Ft. Union to intercept the cattle thieves. On March 5, 1854, Lt. Bell encountered some warriors under Lobo Blanco out on the Canadian River. It is uncertain whether these men had stolen any cattle, but the Army had long suspected Lobo Blanco’s band of killing white and Hispanic settlers. A fight soon ensued and, when the dust settled, Lobo Blanco, four warriors and two Dragoons lay dead. The violence escalated; the next day Jicarillas and allied Ute warriors raided a herd of cattle near Ft. Union, killing two herdsmen.




To be continued in Wild West magazine for February 2008.

1855 Pistol Carbine

THE MODEL 1855 SPRINGFIELD PISTOL CARBINE
During the Ante-bellum period, the Ordnance Department remained concerned over the reliability of breech-loaders and efforts were made to improve muzzle-loading weapons. One weapon issued to some Dragoons was the Springfield Model 1855 Pistol-Carbine. It was originally intended for the two new regiments of cavalry created in 1855.
Secretary of War Jefferson Davis believed that this weapon would also prove useful to the Dragoons. In 1855, he wrote, "No difference will be needed between the arms and equipments dragoons and those of light cavalry; but the whole, armed with this weapon, will be rendered in celerity of movements equal to light cavalry, and in combat to heavy dragoons."
The weapon was designed to fire the .58 caliber minie ball. Carried in the pommel holster, like the .44 caliber Dragoon pistol, it came with a readily attachable shoulder-stock. This powerful weapon fired a 500-grain bullet and used a charge of 60 grains of powder. Akin to the Model 1855 rifled musket, the pistol carbine employed the cranky Maynard taped-primer system.
When fired with the shoulder stock attached, this weapon proved to be reasonably accurate and hard-hitting. But as a pistol, it did not fare so well. The hefty, 12-inch barrel rendered the pistol-carbine unbalanced. Dragoon Captain Richard Ewell, who tested this weapon in 1858, found that shoulder stocks did not always fasten firmly to the pistol and that this adversely effected its accuracy. Although about 5,000 pistol-carbines were manufactured at the Springfield Arsenal, it does not appear that this weapon was issued to any of the troops at Fort Tejon.
MAYNARD TAPE PRIMERS
The problem of placing a small brass percussion "hat" cap on a nipple of the carbine while aboard a skittish American horse was, at best, a nimble task for steady fingers. The ensuing complaints from the field persuaded the Army to purchase 400 Model 1855 Sharps carbines equipped with the Maynard tape primer system. These weapons were issued in limited numbers, beginning in the year of 1856.
The Maynard Taped Primer system worked in a manner similar to that of a child's toy cap pistol: the tape featured a paper roll containing bits of fulminate of mercury as primers, which was mechanically fed under the hammer each time that the hammer was cocked. When the hammer dropped, the fulminate would be detonated and the paper cut away. This system had been first tested in 1849 on contract muskets supplied to the Infantry by the firm of Daniel Nippes.
When exposed to harsh wet, or icy weather, the tape became brittle, damp, torn, and would not fire. With age, the fulminate became defunct and would not detonate. Captain Ewell tested the system and found that the tape caps failed to explode two out of three times.





James E. Hicks: U.S. Firearms 1776-1956 (Beverly Hills, Eadco Publishing 1957), plate 48




During the Antebellum period, the War Department was concerned over the reliability of breech-loading weapons and it made efforts to design improved muzzle loaders for use by the mounted arm. Two such weapons were the 1855 carbine and the 1855 pistol-carbine. Secretary of War Jefferson Davis believed that the latter weapon would prove to be a useful weapon for both light cavalry and heavy dragoons. It could be carried either in the pommel holster or, as the ambrotype above shows, attached to trooper's the carbine sling.

About 5,000 pistol-carbines were manufactured at the Springfield Arsenal.



On 12 September 1859, Inspector General Joe Johnston found Lt. Richard Lord's Company D, 1st Dragoons, on duty at Fort Fillmore, New Mexico Territory, and observed their weaponry: "The dragoon company is not well armed. All of the men have sabres & Colt's Navy revolvers--a majority, the pirtol carbine--some Sharps & a few, rifles of the cal. 54 of inch [Yeager Model 1841]." On the 4th of October, General Johnston visited Ft. Buchanan and had this to say about the arms of Captain Richard Ewell's Dragoon Company D: "There is, however, a great variety of fire arms, Sharp's, Hall's & the pistol carbine, the rifle (cal. 54) & musketoon--Colt's revolver of both sizes [.44 Dragoon and .36 Navy], & the old [Aston M1842] Dragoon pistol. Capt. Ewell advocates Sharp's Carbine, in comparison with the musketoon, for he has had no opportunity to compare it with others of the same kind. The Capt. has made two requisitions for carbines annually for several years. His sabres are of the old pattern [1833]." Captain Ewell also pointed out that the shoulder stocks did not always fasten firmly to the pistol and this would adversely affect its accuracy.

Love's artillery

In August of 1847, the Army command at Santa Fe decided to convert Company B, 1st United States Dragoons, into a field artillery battery. The company had only recently arrived at Santa Fe and was composed of, in the main, new recruits. Lt. Jone Love, its field commander, drew weapons, mules, tack and equipage from Lt. A.B. Dyer, the post ordnance officer. Below is a four-page receipt for the stores drawn by Lt. Love to outfit the new battery. Of note, is a 6 pounder that had been captured in 1843 by Mexican forces from a party of Texas invaders. This cannon was, in turn, captured when, in 1846, the Army of the West marched into Santa Fe.

Sgt. William Holbrook

Sergeant William C. Holbrook served with Company E of the 3d Missouri regiment at Santa Cruz de Rosales on 16 March 1848. After the battle at Rosales, the sergeant faced a general court martial—which is the military equivalent of felony proceeding—for having attempted to enter, while intoxicated, the home of a resident of the city of Chihuahua. The court martial tribunal found him not guilty of the forcible entry, but guilty of the charge of intoxication. Because of Holbrook’s prior service to the country with the 3d regular Infantry at the battles of Palo Alto, Resaca, Monterey and Vera Cruz, General Price annulled the charge and he was honorably discharged from the volunteers.

After the war, Holbrook footloose in New Mexico, enlisted in Company I of the 1st Dragoons and soon became its 1st sergeant. In 1850, while stationed at Rayado, New Mexico Territory, he led a patrol that reportedly killed and scalped five Jicarilla Apache horse thieves. 1

In March of 1854, Sergeant Holbrook, still serving with Company I at the battle with the Jicarilla at Cieneguilla, was struck with an arrow in his shoulder, which Corporal Benjamin Dempsey promptly pulled out. The corporal was immediately hit in the leg with a musket ball and also had a portion of his thumb shot off. He would somehow survive. Sergeant Holbrook’s luck ran out as he was quickly hit by two more arrows, the shaft of one was deeply lodged so that only the fletches could be seen. The sergeant was faintly heard to cry out, “I am shot and cannot go any further on foot.” Weakened from the heavy loss of blood, Sergeant Holbrook begged trooper Strawbridge to bring up his horse. While attempting to place his foot in the stirrup, the sergeant fell backwards and died.

________________________________________
1. Holbrook to McLaws, April 7, 1850, Letters Received, 9 Military District, M-1102, roll 2, RG 393, Nat’ Archives; and Munroe to Jones, April 15, 1850, M269/1850, Letters Received, AGO, RG 94, Nat’l Archives; Carson, Kit, Autobiography (Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press 1966) edited by Quaife, Milo M., 136-137. The report sent along to the War Department included a note from Sgt. Holbrook’s commanding officer Capt, William Grier, another veteran of Santa Cruz de Rosales, stated that the scalping was performed by Mexican civilians who had accompanied the expedition. Message of the President to the 31st Congress (Washington 1850) Exec. Doc no. 1, Senate version, Report of the Secretary of War, 70-71.
Bennett, James A., Forts and Forays (Albuquerque, University of New Mexico Press 1996) edited by Brooks, Clinton and Reeve, Frank, forward by Thompson, Jerry, xxiii.

Music of the 1st Dragoons

In Sam Chamberlain's "Confessions of a Rogue" (Goetzmann edition at p. 285) is mention of a song that celebrates Company A's encounter at the Battle of Buena Vista. Written by "Happy Jack" a member of the company, the first verse (of allegedly 400 verses) goes as follows:

The Battle of Buena Vista

It was on the 22nd, the day being clear.
We espied the advancing Army of Mexican Lancers.
At two o'clk they fired a shot when we returned the same.
Dam ye eyes, Old Zack cries, for now commence the game.

Chorus: So cher up my lively lads, for it never shall be said
That the First Dragoons was ever yet afraid.


Bold Soldier Boy

There is not a man that's going
Worth a knowing or a showing,
Like Scott from glory growing,
The Bold Soldier Boy.
He went to Mexico,
Sure you know it is so,
And he flogged his country's foe,
Like the Bold Soldier Boy.
Triumphantly he marched through,


The ladies looking arch through
The window panes they search through
The ranks to find their joy,
While up the street each man they meet,
When Scott passed by they all would cry,
Hurra for Winfield Scott,
The Bold Soldier Boy.

But Pierce and King we'll rout,
How they flout and they shout,
To the White-House right about
Goes the Bold Soldier Boy.
Then when Locos rant and rare,
Tear their hair in despair,
For they know Pierce won't compare
With the Bold Soldier Boy.
The Locos shout in chorus,
The Whigs are going to floor us,
For Scott and Graham are roarers,
Uncle Sam will them employ.
The North, the South, the East, the West,
Will vote for them they love the best;
They will go for Winfield Scott,
The Bold Soldier Boy.

Then let's united be, and agree, you will see,
We shall win the victory,
With our Bold Soldier Boy.
At Chippewa and Lundy's Lane,
Then again, on the Plain,
He whipped the British train
Like a Bold Soldier Boy.


Ottarson, F. J.; editor; Colston, E. R.; editor. 'Bold Soldier Boy' in 'The Campaign Scott and Graham Songster: A Choice Collection of Original and Selected Whig Songs' . New York: D. E. Gavit, 1852. [format: book], [genre: song]. Permission: Newberry Library
Persistent link to this document: http://lincoln.lib.niu.edu/file.php?file=sg20.html

How William Grier became Colonel Grier

Willaim Grier: Grant Makes Him a Colonel
By Thomas P. Farner, 2003
This is the final part in a series printed in the SandPaper on the life of General William N. Grier before he arrived in Manahawkin, New Jersey, as President of the Stafford Land Company in the early 1870's.

Grier and his 1st U. S. Cavalry had played a key role in what has been called the Peninsula Campaign from May-June 1862. He received a saber wound leading a charge at Williamsburg, Virginia, and also suffered from other physical problems. He wrote in 1866, "At the time we left Yorktown, it was my misfortune to be suffering from dysentery. Nevertheless (against the recommendations of my surgeon) I remained with the Army of the Potomac until it reached 'Harrison's Landing' on James River - avoiding the sick report during the whole xxxxxxx."
But in August 1862 the situation became critical. Grier wrote, "I was no longer able to ride my horse half a mile without falling off; was sent from the field."
For the hard charging cavalry officer of the American west, the opening of the Civil War 1862-65, saw him confined to a desk. First sitting on court-martials in St. Louis, Missouri from September 1862 to February 1863, then as a recruiting officer in Ohio and Iowa. Of this time in his career he remembered he was, "still suffering for a year and a half with chronic dysentery, and then with typhoid fever, and chills and fevers - yet, laboring hard at officer duties, and avoiding leaves of absence and sick reports."
As the Civil War was winding down in March 1865, Grier was awarded the Brevet rank of Brigadier General for meritorious service in the war. With peace and improved health Grier again wanted to lead a cavalry regiment but the army was downsizing and commands were few and far between. In 1897, General U. S. Grant's son Fredrick Dent Grant wrote an article for The New York World Sunday magazine about his father. A portion was entitled, 'How Grier Became a Colonel.”
"A good illustration of how he appreciated a kindness may be given in his thoughtfulness of Lieut. (afterwards Col.) Grier, who was a tactical officer at West Point when my father was a cadet. My father occupied a room with Cadet [George] Deshon, who is now a priest in the Paulist Church in New York. Upon one occasion Deshon ventured forth upon a foraging expedition and brought back a turkey, and my father and he were cooking this treasure in their room when Lieut. Grier came in upon them while making a tour of inspection. The odor of roasting turkey was strong in the room and must have smote the officer in his nostrils before he crossed the threshold. He walked around, keeping his eyes continually upon the ceiling, and announced with ostentatious severity: 'Gentlemen, it seems to me I can smell something cooking.' Grier carefully avoided looking at the guilty faces of the two young fellows or towards the fowl on their hearth. It was perfectly clear that he had not the faintest intention of reporting them, and he did not do so. Of course he should have reported them, for their's was a serious offense. His consideration saved the boys a great deal of trouble, and possibly from dismissal from the corps of cadets, and in after years, when the reorganization of the army took place, my father remembered the favor shown to him by Grier, and he did not allow the pressure brought by the friends of other officers to secure them places in the new army list to overweigh the just and proper claims of one who had rendered a kindness to him in his early life. Grier, who was a brave and efficient officer, became a Colonel."
In August 1866, Grier was named Commander of the 3rd U. S. Cavalry. In July 1867. Secretary of War Edwin Stanton had decided to revise the manuals of tactics used by the U. S. Army. On the 9th a Board of distinguished officers was convened to evaluate and recommend the new manual's adoption. Heading the Board was General U. S. Grant along with General George Gordon Meade, hero of Gettysburg and designer of Barnegat Lighthouse and West Point classmate of William Grier, who was also appointed to serve on the Board.
After the Board disbanded Grier became the Commander of Fort Union, New Mexico where he remained until 1870 when the regiment was transferred to Camp Halleck, Nevada. Grier's health began to decline and he was hospitalized in San Francisco. Later that year on December 15 he requested retirement after 35 years in the service of his country. It was his background of fighting Indians with Kit Carson, for dashing charges at the head of his regiment that Grier brought to the little cottage on Stafford Avenue and almost immediately The New Jersey Courier of Toms River began to refer to the Grier house as the 'Cavalry Cottage,' the name by which most people know it today.
It would appear even then that his adopted home wanted to show their respect for the new resident and its only fitting that 133 years after his retirement the modern citizens of Stafford chose to purchase and preserve the building and recognize the 35 years of faithful service he gave to his country.

Capt. John Davidson and Company B to the Rescue

In August of 1855 it was reported that Capt. John Pope's comand (Company I, 7th Infantry) out on the Staked Plains near the Texas/New Mexico border, had been attacked by Comanche Indians and had lost 7 men. John Davidson's B Company, stationed at Fort Stanton, was dispatched to rescue Pope. A patrol, under Sgt. James Bennett, left Ft. Stanton on 21 August. The remainder of the company departed from Ft. Stanton on 28 August. Two men were drowned at the crossing of Blue Water. After traveling across the harsh desert terrain with temperatures in excess of 120 degrees, Pope's camp was reached on 1 September. Company B discovered that the reported Indian attack turned out to be false. It returned to Fort Stanton and arrived there on 16 September.

Here are two reports of the patrol graciously provided by Gary Cozzens and the Fort Stanton history group.

Head Quarters Fort Stanton
N. M. September 10th 1855

Sir:
Desirous of sending the whole force of Captain Davidson’s Company to Delaware Creek, he deferred his departure until 28th August for the return of about 10 men absent escorting to Fort Bliss. These not returning by the time he departed with all the strength of his Company here (thirty five men) and 20 pack mules with a howitzer with the Dept. order and the Genl’s letter of instructions of 2nd August for his guidance, to open communication with Capt. Pope, T. E. He returned within 20 miles of them last night and reported to me. I directed him to come to the Post. I enclose a copy of his report, the original being in pencil. It was my design to allow his animals about 10 days to recruit and send him again with the whole strength of his company now increased by eleven recruits and six men who will by that time return from escorting Dr. Henry to Fort Fillmore on his way as a witness to Fort Bliss as it is believe he could go securely by Dog Canyon and south of the Guadalupe Mountains. Flores the guide (bearer of this) wishes to go to Santa Fe, on important business to him, and I have thought it best to enclose to the Cmdg General Captain Davidson’s report and a sketch of the country transversed for his information, and further particulars he can get from Flores and through him I can be informed of the General’s wishes by the time the animals are sufficiently rested for another expedition. A map will be furnished as soon as complete.
Captain Davidson speaks very highly of Flores; of his perfect knowledge of the county, and of of the Indians their bands, habits, numbers and mountains. It is deemed very important that he be returned here for a year as to acquire a knowledge of the country, now unknown to the officers serving here. Col. [Daniel] Chandler has written to me to send Flores to Fort Craig, but it seems to me that the services of him or of El Cojo of Manzanos or some equally good are very material here, and Flores is considered best, and is most desired. I believe he would be glad to be so employed at $1.50 per diem.
It is his opinion and Capt. Davidson that no reliance can be placed on the friendship of the Mescaleros and that as soon as their fruits and other resources on the Rio Grande are exhausted, we may expect them (perhaps with others), to make attempts at driving off our animals.
Capt. Davidson estimates the distance to Capt Pope at considerably over 200 miles and that he has reached within about 80 miles of him. The Pecos was very high and he considered it very dangerous if not impractible then to cross it. The grass below is excellent and his horses are in better condition than when he started, but the mules much exhausted.
The [ ] Mill works pretty well. We have made yokes and yoked up some of our beef cattle to haul logs.
I am Sir
Respectfully
Your Obt. Svt.
Bvt. Major N. A. Nichols J. Van Horne
Asst Adjt General USA B. Maj. Comdg
Santa Fe
N.M.

(National Archives microfilm, RG 393, M1120, [V-8].)

Camp on Ruidoso near “Santa de los Rios”
September 7, 1855

Sir:
I have the honor to report briefly to the Commanding Officer from this point that in pursuance to his orders I left the post on the 1st ulto. with 1 sergeant, 1 bugler, platoon of sixteen files of my Company, and a mountain howitzer to open communication with Capt. Pope, Topo Engineer.
Below the junction of the Ruidoso and Bonito the road became so impracticable that I left my gun it being impossible to carry it further without great labor and detentioin.
On the 2nd of September in the afternoon I observed signal smokes about 12 miles below me on the Pecos having been on this river two days and striking the river an hour later I came upon a large Indian Camp located a day or two from the signs of my guide (Flores) judged there to be a band of Auga Nueva Apaches joined by a renegade band of Mescaleros under Chino [?] (likely as not is at the treaty) and that from this [?] has obsereved [?] camped about [?] below on the River, where some [?] from the Mesa to the Pecos and which are termed Los Luganitas. There Indians must have with them some 200 head of horses among which is a shod one recently stolen from the Settlements as the traders are cut clear showing the newness of the shoe. There could have been no friendly Mescaleros among them or there was no sign of corn in the camp or any of the supplies down under the treaty but to the contrary they are subsisting scantly on game, the roots of the field and the fruit of the cactus. I counted 32 lodges which have been put up one fine camped without lodges.
From the direction from which these Indians came, my Guide thinks them to be the same, apart of whom committed the depredations near Fort Bliss probably attacked and killed the wagon escort on the river and are about 90 strong. These things gave me matter of reflection during the night and on the morning of the 3rd then signal smokes being answered from the Guadalupe. Showing another band to be in concert with them. I therefore in consideration of the known hostility of these Auga Nuevas, the size of the band and the smallness of my own force, there being no means of transporting wounded men (not a pole for stretchers to be cut on the river) and no particular routes on the eastern slopes of the Guadalupe by going down the Pecos and my order not being for a Campaign, determined not to jeopardize my party without necessity but returned to this point, Report and await further orders which I have done. Accordingly with exceeding regret not that I doubt the prosperity of this step but that I have not sufficient force to prosecute my march whiter I choose to go.
The pack mules of my party are unsuited for such an expedition having done much work this year with scanty forage and little rest and have been giving out daily so as to delay my marches going and returning back to this point slowly. On the 4th I had one shot unable to go further.

I am Sir
Respectfully
Your Obdt Servt
J. N. Davidson
Capt 1st Dragoons

Lt. R. M Bonneou
Post Adjutant
Fort Stanton, N. M.


National Archives, RG 393, M-1120, [V 8/1]